• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.54-88
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• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.61-80
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• 2011

This study estimated the prototype of Yangjindang at the time of its foundation by putting together the literature and discovered data and historical research on family related to Sangju Yangjindang, and looked at its architectural characteristics. These are summarized as follows: First, Yangjindang is an office building which was completed in three years [1629] after its start of construction when Keomgan Jojeong was at the age of 72 [1626] in his latter days and it was used for performing ancestral rites for Jojeong's forefathers of the head family of Pungyang Jo by family origin. Yangjindang was founded as a base of utopia for putting ancestral rites & commemoration, harmoniousness of a tribe, and educational idea into practice together with Ojakdang. Such a movement can be judged to interpret and apply the circumstances of the times realistically and flexibly where they tried to pursue the promotion of Confucianism & studies of the proprieties as well as the consciousness of practice, and to bring a tribe into harmony after the war through the retirement of Toegye School. Second, it is located at a topographically ideal spot on the edge of the Jangcheon-a tributary of Nakdong with a good physiology and landscape and its location was also the lot for a house of Jojeong's ancestor, which was burned down by war. Behind such a location and planning of Yangjindang, it is presumed, though not certain that it was modelled after Naeap village at Andong- Jojeong's parents-in-low's home. Third, as for its foundation size, it's a head house as much as about more than 100-kan, and its structure is composed of Samyo, Bonche, and Yangjindang. In addition, arrangements of buildings and its composition system and renovation procedures followed Chu-tzu Garyoe. Composition of Samyo can be restored to Yangjindang, Jugo, Woesammun, and Samyo; however, there has been no case of existence in case of Jugo building composition & arrangement takes on an aspect of a compromise between Gamyojido and Sandangjido of Garoe, which seems to be the result from flexibly interpreting and applying the rituals and studies of the proprieties of Toegye School in keeping with locational topography and realistic circumstances while making it a principle for them to observe by Toegye School. There exists a difference between Bonche and its counterpart of the upper class housing at Sangju district in that Bonche[main building] is a squre-shaped 'Ttuljip' typical of Andong setting a family ancestral ritual as a main function. Fourth, there existed a lot of hardships in raising money to cover repairs in time of doing repairs to this structure after 180 years since its establishment. In case of the repair work on Bonche, the level of renovation was limited to the replacement of old materials for rafters, doorpost, roof members and railings with new materials, together with partial alterations in case of window system. It is estimated that Yangjindang was renovated in 1808, and afterwards it was renamed Okryujeong after being re-built at another site. Through the repairs, the floor was expanded for the clan's meeting, and angle rafters and roof members were mended as well. Especially, the plane and structure of Okryujeong which was re-built at another site are expected to give clues to its restoration due to the resemblance to original appearance of Yangjindang at the time of its renovation in 1808.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.163-171
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of various technical parameters for the dose optimization in pediatric chest radiological examinations by evaluating effective dose and effective detective quantum efficiency (eDQE) including the scatter radiation from the object, the blur caused by the focal spot, geometric magnification and detector characteristics. For the tube voltages ranging from 40 to 90 kVp in 10 kVp increments at the FDD of 100, 110, 120, 150, 180 cm, the eDQE was evaluated at the same effective dose. The results showed that the eDQE was largest at 60 kVp when compares the eDQE at different tube voltage. Especially, the eDQE was considerably higher without the use of an anti-scatter grid on equivalent effective dose. This indicates that the reducing the scatter radiation did not compensate for the loss of absorbed effective photons in the grid. When the grid is not used the eDQE increased with increasing FDD because of the greater effective modulation transfer function (eMTF). However, most of major hospitals in Korea employed a short FDD of 100 cm with an anti-scatter grid for the chest radiological examination of a 15 month old infant. As a result, the entrance surface air kerma (ESAK) values for the hospitals of this survey exceeded the Korean DRL (diagnostic reference level) of $100{\mu}Gy$. Therefore, appropriate technical parameters should be established to perform pediatric chest examinations on children of different ages. The results of this study may serve as a baseline to establish detailed reference level of pediatric dose for different ages.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.143-155
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• 2018

The Natural Landscape Rating System was introduced in the amendment of the NATURAL ENVIRONMENT CONSERVATION ACT in 2006. For landscape preservation, the system aims to consider the effects of development projects or plans implemented in a natural landscape on skylines, scenic resources, and view corridors. Currently, a lack of consistency in standards for determining Landscape Control Points (LCP) to assess landscape impact lowers the accuracy and reliability of the assessment results. As the perception of and the impact on a landscape varies, depending on the location of the LCP, it is necessary to establish a reasonable set of criteria to select viewpoints and avoid unreliability in the assessment due to unclear criteria. The intent of this study is to propose an objective and reasonable set of criteria for LCP selection to effectively measure the impact on the landscape from development projects that anticipate a change in the landscape and, ultimately, to suggest basic analysis methods to assess the landscape impact of development projects and to monitor the landscape in the future. Among the development projects affecting natural landscapes, as reported in the statement of the environmental impact assessment, cases of construction of a single building or other small-scale development projects were studied. Four spot development projects were analyzed in depth for their landscape impacts, in order to make recommendations for the LCP selection procedure, which aims to widen the scope of selection according to the direction of viewpoints from the target site. The existing results of analysis based on LCP have limitations because they failed to cover the viewshed of the target buildings when there are topographical changes in the surroundings. As a solution to this problem, a new viewshed analysis method has been proposed, with a focus on the development site and target buildings, rather than viewpoints, as used in past analysis.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.603-616
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• 2010

Based on recent dramatic increases in foodborne outbreaks in restaurants, self-managed sanitation systems are now recommended to control contributing risk factors. This study aimed to improve sanitation management practices in restaurants and had two objectives. First, we tried to develop a self-managed sanitation check-list, including risk factors contributing to foodborne illness and Korean food hygiene regulation articles. We also tried to evaluate current sanitation management practices in restaurants according to operation and restaurant type. Thirty restaurants were evaluated by on-the-spot inspectors using an auditing tool consisting of four dimensions, seventeen categories, and forty-one items. Total compliance rate categorized by operation type significantly differed between chain restaurants and self-managed restaurants, with values of 85.5% and 51.6%, respectively. Therefore, self-managed restaurants, which showed the lowest compliance rate of below 30.0%, need more strict control to improve current unsanitary management practices, specifically relating to 'sterilization of knives, chopping boards, and wiping cloths', 'sanitation training', 'not allowing access into the kitchen to outsiders', 'handling of food or utensils on shelves at a 15 cm distance away from floor', 'prevention of cross-contamination of cooked foods or vegetables', and 'records of kitchen access or inspection'. Thus, an effective food sanitation system is essential and should be implemented to improve the existing sanitary conditions in restaurants. However, the most important factor to achieving food sanitation management objectives is food handlers' self-motivation.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.817-838
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• 2005

In this paper, the resource adequacy as well as the optimum fuel mix is obtained by the following procedures. First, the regulation body, the government agency, determine the reliability index as well as the optimum portfolio of the fuel mix during the planning horizon. Here, the resources with the characteristics of public goods such as demand-side management, renewable resources are assigned in advance. Also, the optimum portfolio is determined by reflecting the economics, environmental characteristics, public acceptance, regional supply and demand, etc. Second, the government announces the required amount of each fuel-type new resources during the planning horizon and the market participants bid to the government based on their own estimated fixed cost. Here, the government announces the winners of the each auction by plant type and the guaranteed fixed cost is determined by the marginal auction price by plant type. Third, the energy market is run and the surplus of each plant except their cost (guaranteed fixed cost and operating cost) is withdrew by the regulatory body. Here, to induce the generators to reduce their operating cost some incentives for each generator is given based on their performance. The performance is determined by the mechanism of the performance-based regulation (PBR). Here the free-riding performance should be subtracted to guarantee the transparent competition. Although the suggested mechanism looks like very regulated one, it provides two mechanism of the competition. That is, one is in the resource construction auction and the other is in the energy spot market. Also the advantages of the proposed method are it guarantee the proper resource adequacy as well as the desired fuel mix. However, this mechanism should be sustained during the transient period of the deregulation only. Therefore, generation resource planning procedure and market mechanisms are suggested to minimize possible stranded costs.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine Ophthalmology and Otolaryngology and Dermatology
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.27-40
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• 2010

Background and Objective : Increasing interest in anti-aging and anti-wrinkling agents for the skin has triggered the recent outflow of researches and studies in this field. This study was designed to investigate the effects of bee venom on skin wrinkling and skin aging by testing the skin wrinkling, skin elasticity, trans-epidermal water loss (TEWL), free radical level, anti-oxidative agent level, and skin tissue after infusion of bee venom on hairless mouse. Materials and Methods : Fifteen hairless mice aged between 36~40 weeks were divided randomly into 3 Group; the Bee Venom Syringe Group, the Bee Venom Needle Group, and the control group. The Bee Venom Syringe Group were injected subcutaneously with bee venom (0.1cc in total) using an insulin syringe on three spots in the lumbar spine (one spot on the center and two spots 1~2cm to the side bilaterally). The Bee Venom Needle Group were pricked with bee venom-smeared acupuncture needles on three longitudinal spots in the lumbar spine each 1cm apart, after which the needles were removed 10 minutes later. The Control Group did not receive any form of intervention. All procedures took place thrice a week for four weeks, during which the mice were allowed free access to water and fodder. The mice were measured and compared in the weight, skin wrinkling scale, skin elasticity, and TEWL before and after the experiment. After the experiment, blood samples were taken to measure the free radical and anti-oxidative agent level, and the skin tissue was sliced for examination. Data was analyzed using the SPSS program (ver 12.0). The ANOVA analysis was used to compare and contrast the three groups, and t-test for paired samples was used to evaluate skin-wrinkling before and after experiment. The cut-off p-value of significance was set at p<0.05. Results : 1. Administration of bee venom did not cause serious weight loss or gain. 2. Compared to the control group, the Bee Venom Syringe Group and the Bee Venom Needle Group both showed a decrease in skin wrinkling scale after intervention. Especially, the Bee Venom Syringe Group showed a significant decrease (p<0.05). 3. Compared to the control group, the Bee Venom Syringe Group and the Bee Venom Needle Group both showed an increase in skin elasticity. Especially, the Bee Venom Syringe Group showed a significant increase (p<0.05). 4. No significant change in TEWL was found in the mice in all the three groups before and after experiment. 5. Free radical level was normal in all 15 mice in all the three groups, and anti-oxidative agent was not significantly different across the three groups. 6. The Bee Venom Syringe Group, the Bee Venom Needle Group, and the control group did not show any significant difference in the thickness of epidermis and dermis, infiltration of inflammatory cells, and skin wrinkling. The epidermis layer was relatively better preserved in the Bee Venom Syringe Group as compared to the Bee Venom Needle Group and the control group. Conclusion : Direct injection of bee venom on the hairless mouse using a syringe was found to improve wrinkling of the skin and increase skin elasticity but did not show effectiveness on skin dryness due to water loss. The bee venom appears to have suppressive effects on skin wrinkling, one of the symptoms of skin aging, through a process independent of suppression of free radicals or increase of anti-oxidative agent.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.92-98
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• 2013

The experimental verification of treatment planning on the treatment spot is the ultimate method to assure quality of radiotherapy, so in-vivo skin dose measurement is the essential procedure to confirm treatment dose. In this study, glass rod dosimeter (GRD), which is a kind of photo-luminescent based dosimeters, was studied to produce a guideline to use GRDs in vivo dosimetry for quality assurance of radiotherapy. The pre-processing procedure is essential to use GRDs. This is a heating operation for stabilization. Two kinds of pre-processing methods are recommended by manufacturer: a heating method (70 degree, 30 minutes) and a waiting method (room temperature, 24 hours). We equally irradiated 1.0 Gy to 20 GRD elements, and then different preprocessing were performed to 10 GRDs each. In heating method, reading deviation of GRDs at same time were relatively high, but the deviation was very low as time went on. In waiting method, the deviation among GRDs was low, but the deviation was relatively high as time went on. The meaningful difference was found between mean reading values of two pre-processing methods. Both methods present mean dose deviation under 5%, but the relatively high effect by reading time was observed in waiting method. Finally, GRD is best to perform in-vivo dosimetry in the viewpoint of accuracy and efficiency, and the understanding of how pre-processing affect the accuracy is asked to perform most accurate in-vivo dosimetry. The further study is asked to acquire more stable accuracy in spite of different irradiation conditions for GRD usage.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.155-231
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• 2009

Xu-Jing(徐競) an official of the Song(宋), a medieval Kingdom of China, wrote a book titled $\ll$Koryo Tu Jing(高麗圖經)$\gg$ which explains his travel to the Koryo as a member of diplomatic mission in 1123. $\ll$Koryo Tu Jing$\gg$ is the record of his personal experience in Koryo with many explanatory illustrations and especially contains 5 months' voyage record of his diplomatic fleet. His fleet set sail at a port located in the Ding Hai Xian(定海縣), Ming Zhou(明州) via a few islands of Koryo [Hyup Kye San(俠界山) , the Kun San Do(群山島) , the Ja Yon Do(紫燕島) , the Keup Su Mun(急水門) in Kang Hwa Gun(江華郡) and the Hap Gul(蛤窟) ] and finally arrived the Port Ye Song Hang(禮成港) . According to the Xu-Jing's record his fleet sailed the sea with the help of the favorable seaward winds and tides as the usual way of ancient sailing. The Xu- Jing's Fleet sailed the sea between the Mei Cen(梅岑), Ming Zhou(明州) of China and the Hyup Kye San(俠界山) of Koryo from about 5:00 a.m., May 24th(of the lunar calendar) to about 5:00 p.m., June 2nd. At this section, the average speed of the seaward winds was 19.45km/h and the average speed of the fleet which sailed only by the power of the winds was 6.29km/h. This means that 32.3% of the favorable seaward winds' speed was equal to the speed of the ancient fleet which sailed only by the power of the favorable seaward winds. The fleet sailed the sea between the Ja Yon Do(紫燕島) and the Keup Su Mun(急水門) from about 9:00 a.m., June 10th to about 1:00 p.m., the same day. At this section the fleet sailed by the power of tides in addition to the favorable seaward winds without oaring. The average speed of the winds was not different from that of former section and the average speed of the tides was 1.937km/h. And at this section the average speed of the fleet increased by 0.41km/h than that of the former section. This means that 21.1% of the speed of the tides was equal to the increased speed of the ancient fleet by virtue of the tides. The fleet sailed the sea between Keup Su Mun(急水門) and the Hap Gul(蛤窟) from about 1:00 p.m., June 10th to about 3:00 p.m., the same day. At this section, there were no seaward winds and the fleet sailed only by the powers of tides and oaring. And at this section, the tide increased the average speed of the fleet by 0.3114km/h and the fleet could sail at the speed of 4.3km/h. So we can conclude that the average speed of ancient fleet without any influences of the seaward winds and tides was 3.98 km/h. We can make use of the various sailing speeds of ancient fleets when judging their maritime activities. If we make use of the various sailing speeds of the ancient fleets as calculated in this article, we will be able to get various important informations about the certain ancient fleet's maritime maneuver. For example, we can infer the sailing routs of a certain fleet and the time when the fleet passed a certain spot by making use of the various sailing speeds of the ancient fleet. In this article I did not take account of the shapes of ships that consist of the ancient fleets and the sizes of the various ships and fleets. It was because that such factors would not change the foresaid conclusions seriously.