• 제목/요약/키워드: Royal tomb

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A Study on the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Namsan Mountain in Gyeong-Ju (경주 남산 이조리귀부에 관한 고찰)

  • Lee, Eun Seok;Cho, Hyun Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.4
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    • pp.56-77
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    • 2010
  • The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.

A Study on the Landscape Interpretation of Songge Byeoleop(Korean Villa) Garden at Jogyedong, Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul for the Restoration (북한산 조계동 송계별업(松溪別業) 정원 복원을 위한 경관해석)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Song, Suk-Ho;Jo, Jang-Bin;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.4
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    • pp.1-17
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    • 2018
  • This study was conducted to interpret the landscape of Songge Byeoleop(Korean villa) garden at Jogyedong, Bukhansan near Seoul which was built in the mid 17C. to restore through the literature reviews and field surveys. The results were as follows; Songge Byeoleop garden was a royal villa, constructed at King Injo24(1646) of Joseon dynasty by prince Inpyeong(麟坪大君), Lee, Yo(李?, 1622~1658), the third son of King Injo who was a brother of King Hyojong. It was a royal villa, Seokyang-lu under Mt. Taracsan of Gyendeokbang, about 7km away in the straight line from main building. It was considered that the building system was a very gorgeous with timber coloring because of owner's special situation who was called the great prince. The place of Songge Byeoleop identity and key landscape of the place were consisted with Gucheon waterfall and the sound of the water with multi-layered waterfall which might be comparable to the waterfall of Yeosan in China. After the destruction of the building, the place was used for the royal tomb quarry, but there was a mark stone for forbidden quarry. The Inner part of Songge Beoleop, centered with Jogedongcheon, Chogye-dong, composted beautifully with the natural sceneries of Gucheon waterfall, Handam and Changbeok, and artificial structures, such as Bihong-bridge, Boheogak, Yeonghyudang and Gyedang. In addition, the existing Chinese characters, 'Songge Beoleop' and 'Gucheoneunpog' carved in the rocks are literary languages and place markings symbolizing with the contrast of the different forests and territories. They gave the names of scenery to the rock and gave meaning to them. Particularly, Gucheon waterfall which served as a visual terminal point, is a cascade type with multi-staged waterfall. and the lower part shows the topographical characteristics of the Horse Bowl-shaped jointed with port-holes. On the other hand, the outer part is divided into the spaces for the main entrance gate, a hanging bridge character, a bridge connecting the inside and the outside, and Yeonghyudang part for the purpose of living. Also in the Boheogak area, dual view frame structures are made to allow the view of the four sides including the width and the perimeter of the villa. In addition, at the view point in Bihong-bridge, the Gucheon water fall divides between the sacred and profane, and crosses the Bihong-bridge and climbs to the subterranean level.

Korea's Street Processions and Traditional Performing Arts (한국의 가두행렬(街頭行列)과 전통연희)

  • Jeon, KyungWook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.513-557
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    • 2009
  • The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

A Study on the Location Estimation and Spatial Composition of Paju Mok Government Office of Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 파주목 관아의 위치 추정과 공간구성 연구)

  • Paek, Chong-Chul
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.4
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    • pp.98-104
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    • 2019
  • Paju Mok was the local administrative office of the Joseon Dynasty as the administrative and transportation center of western part of Gyeonggi-do and used as a Haenggung when the king visited the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty. Paju Mok Government Office was adjacent to Uiju-ro, which connects Hanyang and Uiju in the Joseon Dynasty. Paju Mok Government Office is an important place in the northern part of Gyeonggi, where the king stayed when he visited the Jereung, Hulleung which are located in the northern part of Hwanghae Province and Paju Yeongreung and Jangneung, Paju Mok Government Office was maintained until the 1900s. After the Japanese colonial Period, Government Office buildings are used for other purposes, and their function as a Government office is impaired. In addition, most of the buildings disappeared due to the Korean War, and now the state of Paju Mok Government Office was lost. In order to restore the lost Paju Mok Government Office, it is necessary to study the composition of Government Office, such as the place where Paju Mok Government Office is located and major buildings. Therefore, if you find out the location Estimation, spatial composition and size of Paju Mok Government Office by analyzing and analyzing ancient documents and ancient books related to Paju Mok Government Office, and the topographic map and cadastral map and land survey department during the Japanese colonial period, you can be used as basic data when restoring Paju Mok Government Office.

A Study of Krean and Chinese Kon-myun (Ceremonial royal Robes) as seen in the Relationshio between Regulations and practice in both Traditions. (한국과 중국 곤면제도와 실태)

  • 김명숙
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.31
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    • pp.61-73
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    • 1997
  • Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

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A Study on the Disaster Prevention of the Royal Tomb Eureung in the Mountain Cheonjang - Estimation on Forest Fire Risk Considering Forest Type and Topography - (천장산 의릉의 방재대책에 관한 연구 - 임상과 지형인자를 고려한 산불위험성 평가 -)

  • Won, Myoung-Soo;Lee, Woo-Kyun;Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.59-65
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the risk of the forest fire, considering the topography and the forest, for establishing disaster prevention measures of cultural heritage, Uireung, over in Cheonjang-mountain. To do that, we estimate the occurrence and spread of the forest fire over in Cheonjang-mountain through a forest fire probability model(logistic regression), using the space characteristic data($100m{\times}100m$). The factor, occurrence of the forest fire, are diameter class, southeast, southwest, south, coniferous, deciduous, and mixed forest. We assume the probability of the fire forest in each point as follow : [1+exp{-(-4.8081-(0.02453*diameter class)+(0.6608*southeast)+(0.507*southwest)+(0.7943*south)+(0.29498*coniferous forest)+(0.28897*deciduous forest)+(0.17788*mixed forest))}]$^{-1}$. To divide dangerous zone of the big forest fire, we make the basic materials for disaster prevention measures, through the map of coniferous forests, deciduous forests, and mixed forest. The damage of cultural heritage caused by a forest fire will be reduced through the effective preventive measures, by forecast a forest fire to using this study.

The Study on the Early Diagnosis of Injuries for Needles of Conifer by Acid Rain and Air Pollutants (산성비 및 대기오염물질이 침엽수 잎에 미치는 피해의 조기판단에 관한 연구)

  • 이경재;송근준;김선희;이윤원
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.252-269
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    • 1994
  • This study was conducted to the early diagnosis of injuries on needles of conifer by acid rain and air pollutants in metropolitan area, Korea. It was executed to calculate of injured index, contact angle measurement, nutrient content analysis in needles, analysis of soil chemical properties from June 1990 to June 1991. The sensitive species (Picea abies, Abies holophylla) for acid rain and air pollutants were used as the study materials. And the results from this study were as follows : Degree of Injured index was divided into three groups in June 1990. The first group (not injured sites) was Kwangnung and Yangpyung. The Second group (slight injured sites) was Inchon, Boramae Park, Kwachun, Seoul Women's Univ., Anyng, and Yangsuri. The third group (serious injured sites) was Namsan, Seoul City Univ., Children's Park, and Kumgok Royal Tomb. But, Inchon, Kwachon area were changed from slight injured areas to serious injured areas in December 1990. As time goes on, the degree of injured gets worse. In contact angle analysis, value of December 1990 was lower than that of June 1990, especially, that of two-year-needle were lower than of one-year-needle. The correlation between injured Index and contact angle was significantly negative. In the result of needle nutrients analysis of Picea abies, Abies hozophylla, Ca, Mg, K contents was higher in December 1990 than that in June 1991 and that of one-year-needle were prominantly higher than that of two-year-needle. In case of wax quantity analysis in injured area, the older the leaf age is, the smaller the contented wax quantity is. In injured area, the higher a leaf age is, the much that of index is. As a result, the method of analysis referred in the former, is applied by a complementary cooperation. That of method is done sustainably in the future, the correct results will be expected.

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Surface Deterioration Diagnosis of Taejong Heonreung Sindobi Monument using Nondestructive Method (비파괴 기법을 이용한 태종 헌릉 신도비의 표면 훼손도 진단)

  • Lee, Myeong-seong;Park, Sung-mi;Chun, Yun-gun;Lee, Sun-myung;Lee, Jae-man
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.4
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    • pp.90-107
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    • 2013
  • The Stone Monument of Taejong King in Heonreung Royal Tomb, Seoul was originally erected in 1424 to pay a tribute to Bang Won Lee's achievement who was named Taejong, the Third King of Joseon Dynasty. The monument has been damaged by Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 so that another monument was newly made and erected together with the original monument in 1695. The original monument was made of medium-grained biotite granite for the turtle base and medium-grained milky white crystalline limestone for the stele body and the top stone. The turtle base of the original monument is destroyed beyond the original shape and inscription due to irregular shaped breaking and a set of longitudinal crack. Analyzing the deterioration degree by using nondestructive methods, the 88 percentage of the front area and 38 percentage of the back area of the monument are damaged, and the lower part of the stele body is dominantly deteriorated especially due to the combination of discoloration and physical deterioration. The new monument in 1695 is also made of granite and limestone. The weathering indices of the turtle base and stele body stones by the calculation from ultrasonic velocity are 0.10 and 0.74, respectively. This is because the original monument is presumed to be degraded by heat shock and physical attack during the Japanese war, and the long-term outdoor exposure accelerated the weathering of the monument afterward without protective shelter.

A Study on Value Properties and Repair Status of Stone Structures in Royal Palace and Tomb Heritages of the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 궁능 석축의 가치속성 및 수리실태 연구)

  • Jo, Heok-Jun;Kim, Min-Seon;Kim, Choong-Sik
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2024
  • This study aims to evaluate the repair status of stone structures, which are landscape heritage, focusing on cultural heritage repair norms. The study reviewed 296 repair reports published by the Cultural Heritage Administration and selected 8 cases of stone structure repairs. The repair status of these stone structures was evaluated based on three value attributes in the repair norms applied to cultural heritage both domestically and internationally: form and design, materials and quality, and tradition and technology. The results are as follows. First, in terms of form and design, changes were mainly focused on the foundation and backfill stones, which are non-visible structures, rather than the visible face stones. Second, in terms of materials and quality, there were numerous cases of inadequate verification and historical investigation. Despite significant differences in the strength and color of stones depending on their origin, which greatly impact the value attributes of the stone structures, the process of verifying the origin of replacement materials was omitted. Third, crucial elements such as tools, instruments, and techniques, which are vital for maintaining the value attributes of tradition and technology, were not recorded. Adherence to cultural heritage repair norms in the repair of stone structures was low. To enhance the repair quality of stone heritage, it is essential to strengthen compliance standards for maintaining the value attributes of non-visible structures, improve the historical investigation and verification of material origins, and establish detailed recording methods for the repair techniques and procedures used.