• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2020

Objectives : The purpose of this paper is to collect basic data about Seo, Byung-Hyo and lay the groundwork for future analysis of his medical ideas. Methods : The life of Seo in regards to family and relationships was reconstructed through his genealogy and newspaper articles. His medical ideas were analyzed through the treatment records in books and historical material. Results : 1. Seo was primarily a clinician rather than a social worker throughout the Korean Empire and Japanese colonial era. 2. 『Summary of Experienced Old Prescriptions (經驗古方要抄)』 was a concise book that mainly took after the 『New Edition on Universal Relief (濟衆新編)』, supplemented by contents from the 『DongUiBogam(Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine)』. 3. It is meaningful that Seo's book restored and developed the single-ingredient prescription tradition of the 『DongUiBogam(Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine)』. 4. Seo faithfully followed the tradition of royal court medicine and utilized new prescriptions that were proven effective. Analysis of the prescription contents of 『A royal palace's diary(內殿日記)』 displays such characteristic. Conclusions : Seo, Byung-Hyo could be regarded as a clinician who faithfully inherited and developed 『DongUiBogam(Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine)』 and 『New Edition on Universal Relief (濟衆新編)』.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.55-72
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• 2014

Objectives : King Hyojong (1619-1659) was the 17th king of the Joseon Dynasty. He was on the throne from 1649 to 1659. The king was a center of state rule in ancient times. This meant that the physical and mental status of a king was very confidential information. In the royal court of Joseon Korea, the treatment process for the king had to be performed under the surveillance of close associates, and this whole process had to be recorded by the official secretary. This is the reason that I referred to the Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon Dynasty. Methods : Relevant articles were extracted from Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon Dynasty and analyzed according to the main arguments of this paper. Some other related sources were referred in terms of King Hyojong's ailments and treatments. Results & Conclusions : King Hyojong suffered from various diseases during his time on the throne. Fever was the most frequent ailment; he also often had diarrhea followed by poor appetite. I assume that he must have suffered from diabetes considering his ailments. Additionally, his final treatment records clearly show that his ailments were similar to diabetic complications.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.7-19
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• 2004

This study is to comprehend the interior space of the Royal Palace in the 15th Century, the early years of Joseon Dynasty. The subject of this study is limited to the center of the Royal Palace, that is Jeongjeon(正殿, the royal audience chamber) and Haengrang(行廊, which encloses Jeongjeon on four sides and has many rooms). It is very important to understand the usage of the interior space because the architectural space consists of the space unified by the organic function of the interior and the exterior space. But there are few studies on the interior space of Jeongjeon and Haengrang at the Royal Palace. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to understand the interior space of those buildings. The result of this study is following. Haengrang has several uses such as a night duty room, a storehouse, a government office or a banquet hall etc. So the interior spaces were finished with various methods that were suitable for the use of each room, and the material of the floor were the ground, Maru(the wooden floor) or Ondol(the Korean traditional heating system) There were held many kinds of ceremonies in Jeongjeon, and the government officials could not enter the inside of that building and took part in the ceremony on the front court of Jeongjeon, except the men performing the ceremony. But the high ranking officials could enter the inside when King gave a banquet and there, they prostrated themselves before King. They sat down with their legs crossed on the ground floor instead of sitting on a chair. When King held tea ceremony with Chinese envoys in Jeongjeon, they sat on Gyoui(交倚, a kind of armchair). Then, the government officials performing the ceremony in Jeongjeon prostrated himself around the King and the Chinese envoys and others stood around them.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.142-150
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• 1997

Korean ritual dancing was doing in a royal court when an auspicious event happen in a country, a ritual ceremony was hold or reception for an envoy came from the other country was hold. There were 53 kinds of ritual dancing in Korea. Gumgee-Mu was the one among of them. Yea-Reung(woman ritual dancer) were dancing Gumgee-Mu with a sword. For Gumgee-Mu they wore a Kaeja(快子), Haebsuyoi(挾袖衣). Above it they took a Jeandae(戰帶), Jeanlib(戰笠). The dancing suit\`s color had a harmony with well mixed. Lunar-Solar-Five-Natural(陰陽五行) of oriented traditional concept.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.222-239
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• 2019

This paper studied Joseon royal incense, Buyonghyang, focusing on the case of Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe. Incense was introduced to Korea in the period of the Three States with Buddhist cultures. Buyonghyang is an incense that represented the royal family and was used in various rituals. Civilians also burned this incense in front of a bride's palanquin at a wedding ceremony. Buyonghyang had various uses-ceremonial uses, as a fragrance, to mothproof, and medical uses. Buyonghyang is a combined incense with ten different ingredients. This study tracked the supply and demand of the incense ingredients through Takjijunjeol, Sejong Shilok Jiriji, and The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. This paper identified properties of the ingredients and studied recipes using ancient medical books-Jejungshinpyeon, Donguibogam, etc. Then the cooperation and treatment of incense by craftsman were examined using the records of The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and Seungjeongwon Ilgi. The significance of Buyonghyang during the Joseon dynasty was studied by examining its use at a royal wedding ceremony. This study considered Sunjo's wedding ceremony based on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe which is highly regarded as a well-organized system compared to other Uigwe. Buronghyang was burned during all of the ceremonies which took place in the palace. Conversely, it is considered that Buyonghyang was burned only during the Bisuchekui ceremony (investiture), which took place in the bride's place, according to the record of the mobilization of court ladies for various incense burners for the Bisuchekui ceremony. Since the incense was able to be used only after Bisuchekui, it is considered that only the royal family could use the incense, and it was a symbolic incense of the Joseon Royal Family.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.10
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• pp.5-16
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• 1986

This dissertation is a study of the costume of the Yi dynasty by means of an investigation of the Ka-rae-do-gam-Eui-gue Do(嘉禮都監儀軌圖: a collection of paintings of the royal wedding ceremonies and processions issued by the royal court) and the Jung-ri Eui-gue Do(整理儀軌圖: a collection of a series of paintings showing the whole process of the royal courtesies and ceremonies on the occasion of the king's visit to Hyun-yoong Won in Hwa-sung in 1975年). The Yi dynasty period is roughly divided into two parts. The first period extends from 1392, in which the reign of the dynasty started, to 1600, when Imjin Waeran(the Japanese Invasion of Korea) ended; the second period lasts from 1600 to the last day of the dynasty in 1910. Of the "Eui-gue Do"(儀軌圖: paintings of the royal ceremonies) which were made in the first period of the dynasty, there is no extant example, the reference to which is found only in records. However, the examples of the "Eui-gue Do" belonging to the second period remain abundant in number, together with the detailed accounts about them. The followings are the conclusions deduced from this study, which tries to illuminate the pictorial characteristics as well as the traits of costume manifested in the above-mentioned two groups of paintings. Most of the costume seen in the Ka-rae-do-gam Eui-gue and the Jung-ri Eui-gue were not clad in accordance with the wearer's individual desire or taste, but in strict conformity with the norm and sense of order in the society based on the Cosfucian political and ethical principles.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.139-153
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to consider the kinds and features of costume and fabrics of the early Koryo period which are mentioned in the records of costume system, royal presents and diplomatic articles at that time ranging from the reigns of king Gwangjong to king Gyeongjong and to king Seongjong. Findings of the study can be summarized as follows. In the 11th year of king Gwangjong's reign, the official costume system was established, which reflected the royal will to independence as an imperial nation. That system also became the basis of the official wage system in king Gyeongjong's reign. In the reigns of king Gwangjong and king Gyeongjong, the monarch granted official uniforms to persons who passed the state examination, directly connecting with new bureaucrats and strengthening the royal authority. Those uniforms were usually worn at a banquet where the monarch and subjects participate together in the early Koryo period. In the reign of king Seongjong, costume and fabrics were positive means of realizing political Confucianism as they were used for bureaucrats who advanced to official position through the state examination. Records issued at that time explain that the monarch presented costume and fabrics in an effort to getting along with officials and civilians of different classes as the state and the royal authority stabilized. Found in the records released in the reigns of king Gwangjong to king Seongjong, the kinds of costume or fabrics at that time include jikseongeuio, gap, yongeui, seupeui, gyegeum baekcheop, geumeunseon gyegeumpoyok and po. The techniques of manufacturing armors in the early Koryo period were probably advanced since the item was a craftwork presented to the court in the reigns of kings Gwangjong and Gyeongjong. Presumedly, baekcheop was a kind of hemp and po. Koryo's native hemp cloth.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.207-239
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• 2004

Jungchull(정철) was a very famous poet of Kasa(가사), Sijo(시조) and Hansi(한시) during the middle period of the Chosun kingdom. He has been studied by modern scholars mainly as a poet of Kasa(가사). These days, however, his Sijos are being studied as an important literary achievement. The purpose of this study is to analyze the pursuit of reality and elegance expressed in Jungchull's Sijo in order to understand his Sijos more deeply. In the process of this discussion, I will take a look at some of his Kasa(가사), Hansi(한시) and biography also, and I will compare his Sijo(시조) with that of his teacher's, friend's and senior's. Jungchull considered it important to become an official in the royal court because he was a Confucian scholar who believed in jugi-theory (주기론), in which all realistic phenomena is evaluated(Confucianism is very realistic in essence), and he had a happy life in the royal household until he was ten years old. I found that characteristics of his "realistic pursuit" are represented in his Sijo by two situations: the one is when he is apart from the King, and the other when he is together with the King. In all situations, though, he pursued an official position in the royal court. When he was apart from the king, his absolute resolution to follow the King was expressed in his not being able to sleep. In his sijo, he asks the wild duck to inform him of the King's welfare. He tries to flap his wings, to be the water or the moon in order to reach the royal household where the King was living. When he recognizes it's impossible, he expresses his perfect loyalty to the King in his Sijo by using literary paradox. According to this, he describes himself as not an able scholar, but also not a flattering scholar. In his sijo, he reminisces about working for the King in the royal household, when he had a good relationship with the King. But when he was an official in the province in a good relationship with the King, he expressed his intention of coming back to the royal household in order to be with the King again. From this we can ascertain that his pursuit of reality means to occupy an official position in the royal household, to serve the King and to have political power among of the officials. His elegance, expressed in his sijo, is deeply related to his absolute political pursuit of the King. He describes two kinds of elegance: nature related elegance and drinking alcohol related elegance. Two kinds of nature related elegance were delineated in his sijo, depending upon his political situation. When he had a good relationship with the King, occupying an official position, he delineated his gladness and free-heart in harmonizing with nature. But when he lost his official position. he expressed his purity using nature, and exclusion from nature. These kinds of nature related elegance were different from that of the usual Confucian scholar, for example, contemporaries Lee Hwang Next, two kinds of drinking alcohol related elegance were delineated in his sijo depending upon his political situation. More often he depicted excitement and composure of mind in his sijo by drinking alcohol in good situations than in efforts to overcome his agony in bad situations. The tradition of overcoming one's agony by drinking alcohol in bad situation was discovered by this writer in Jungchull's teacher's, and also his junior's sijo. Lastly in my next research paper future, I will look at the reason why certain various themes are represented in Jungchull's sijo, and what their the relationships are, to understand his literary works as a whole.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.67-76
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• 2017

Royal banquets under the reign of King Sunjo saw developments in the playacting stage, which exhibited characteristics unique to the transitionary period between Jeongjo and Gojong this period established the framework of the Joseon Dynasty's playacting stage construction. Starting with the Jagyeongjeon-Hall banquet and continuing into the Year of the Golden Rat banquet, the next-day banquet by the Crown Prince demonstrates a renewed format, with the stage also changing accordingly. This change was substantiated by more assertive use of the Red Blind and gabjang. Previously, the Red Blind has been installed in the palace hall and around the royal courtyard, to form three sides, but as next-day banquets became more frequent under Sunjo, the Red Blind developed and came to be installed in accordance with the hierarchy within the royal family. In the Year of the Golden Rat banquet, the Red Blind was lifted and the throne of the crown prince was situated in the palace hall. In the banquet of the following year, however, the Red Blind was let down and the crown prince's throne was placed outside, in palace court yard. This seems to have been a gesture to reorient the crown prince's political standing and restore Sunjo's sovereignty the following year. Hence, the installation of the Red Blind developed in accordance with the royal hierarchy and ranks under Sunjo's reign. The gabjang provided the second layer of protection for the playacting stage. The hongjeongju gabjang surrounded the stage in multiple layers and served as a partition. The gabjang from the Year of the Golden Bull banquet, in particular, boasted a unique installation, where it dangled from both sides of the royal palace's facade. Hongjeongju gabjang, lapis lazuli gabjang, red gabjang, and yellow curtains were installed in the stated order to reflect Sunjo's 40th birthday as well as the 30-year anniversary of his coronation. The Red Blind and gabjang from Sunjo's years were positioned in creative ways to reinstate the royal authority, and demonstrated many improvements from those of Jeongjo's reign.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.