• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.573-600
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• 2009

Currently, the Free Trade Agreement(FTA) promoting regionalism or bilateralism has been increasingly concluded, which is against multilateralism of the WTO. The adoption of the TRS under the FTA carries various issues from the rationale of its existence to its contents. To explain these contradictory issues between the WTO and the FTA, this paper studied on the TRS by analyzing present cases and negotiation results of the TRS under the FTA and comparing them under the WTO. The TRS under the WTO agreement is limited only to antidumping, countervailing duties and safeguard as the agreed concept. When the negotiations of the FTA are on the process, it is necessary to adopt the TRS depending on the negotiating party countries of the FTA after considering fully the economic situations of Korea and the need of protection for the domestic industries. Currently, Korea has entered into the FTA with several countries and most of the agreements with respect to the TRS maintain and observe the right and duty in the WTO agreement and when necessary, in some of the FTA agreements, they have changed parts of the TRS. Consequently, it is needed to establish the basis for application of the TRS. Also, additional application of the SSG provision to some sensitive goods is highly recommended.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Anayses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.379-391
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• 1993

Present-day world economy is characterized by : technology nationalism, economic regionalism, market protectionism, multinational corporations, efc. All nations are striving for intensifying national economic rivalry and seeking after their own interests above everything else. Many regions of the world are also forming trading blocs, which could negatively affect nonmember states. The ultimate way to meet these difficulties is to establish production facilities in the countries imposing trade regulations. However, as the existing models of direct forrign investment (DFI) do not account for the particular nature of Korean firm's DFI activities, a new point of departure is imperative. It is because of this that Korean firms have only limited firm-specific advantages, the basic precondition of extant DFI theories, compared with their developed counterparts.