• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.105-138
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine the significance of various figures in The Canonical Scripture and their contents. The Canonical Scripture (jeon-gyeong 典經) is a record of the beliefs and deeds of Kang Jeungsan, composed through the memories of the followers of Kang Jeungsan who followed the words of The Canonical Scripture. In other words, The Canonical Scripture is understood as the scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe that contains the religious deeds and teachings of Kang Jeungsan. It is divided into seven parts and 17 chapters. Those seven parts, some of which contain more than one chapter, are as follows: Acts, Reordering Works, Progress of the Order, Dharma, Authority and Foreknowledge, Saving Lives, and Prophetic Elucidations. In particular, The Canonical Scripture records the deeds of historical figures from both China and Korea, and this prominently includes the life history of Kang Jeungsan, and this is an especially pronounced feature of the sections Acts, Progress of the Order, and Prophetic Elucidations. In addition, each chapter describes the teachings and faith-inspiring acts of Kang Jeungsan and presents the gist of the Daesoon Thought while referring to the lives and actions of various historical figures. In this paper, introductions to the figures that appear in each section are provided to help readers better understand the contents of The Canonical Scripture. Therefore, this study focuses on the major figures introduced in The Canonical Scripture in connection with the religious values of Daesoon Thought. Through this, a contribution is made to the academic development of Daesoon Thought by specifically exploring and examining the contents of the figures who appear in The Canonical Scripture. This is a surprisingly underdeveloped area of study in Daesoon Thought.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.4
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• pp.7-35
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• 1992

The expansion of air transport on a global scale with ever increasing traffic densities has brought about problems that must be solved through new multilateral mechanisms. Looking to the immediate future, air transport will require new forms of international cooperation in technical and economic areas. Air transport by its very nature should have been a counterforce to nationalism. Yet, the regulatory system in civil aviation is still as firmly rooted in the principle of national sovereignty as when it was first proclaimed at t-11e Paris Convention of 1919 and reaffirmed in the Chicago Convention. Sovereignty over the airspace has remained the cornerstone of relations between states in all respects of air transport. The importance of sovereignty over air space embodied in article 1 of the Chicago Conrenton also is responsible for restricting the authority of ICAO as an intergovernmental regulatory agency. The Orgenization, for all its extensive efforts, has only limited authority. ICAO sets standards but cannot enforce them; it devises solutions but cannot impose them. To implement its rules ICAO most rely not so much on legal requirements as on the goodwill of states. It has been forty-eight years since international community set the foundations of the international system in civil aviation action. Profound political, economic and technological changes have taken place in air transport. The Chicago Convention is living proof that staes can work together to make air transport a safe mode of travel. The law governing international civil auiation is principally based on international treaties and on other regulation agreed to by governments, for the most part through the mechanism of ICAO. The role of ICAO international standards and recommended practices and procedures dealing with a broad range of technical matters could hardly be overestimated. The organization's ability to develop these standards and procedures, to adapt them continuously to the rapid sate of change and development of air transport, should be particularly stressed. The role of ICAO in the area of the development of multilateral conventions on international air law has been successful but to a certain degree. From the modest starting-point of the Tokyo Convention, we have seen more adequate international instruments prepared within the scope of ICAO activities, adopted: the Hague Convention of 1970 for the suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft and the Montreal Convention of 1971 for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation. The work of ICAO in the new domain of international law conventions concerning what has been loosely termed above as the criminal problems connected with international air transport, in particular the problem of armed aggression against aircraft, should be positively appreciated. But ICAO records in the domain of developing a uniform legal system of international carriage by air are rather disappointing. The problem of maintaining and developing the uniformity of this regulation exceeds the scope of interest and competence of governmental transport agencies. The expectations of mankind linked to it are too great to give up trying to restore the uniform legal system of international air carriage that would create proper conditions for its further growth. It appears that ICAO has, at present, a good opportunity for doing this. The hasty preparation of ICAO draft conventions should be definitely excluded. Every Preliminary draft convention ought to be sent to Governments of all member-States for consideration, So that they could in form ICAO in due time of their observation. The problom of harmonizing a uniform law of international air carriage with that of other branches of international transport should demand more and more of its attention. ICAO cooperation with other international arganization, especially these working in the field of international transport, should be strengthened. ICAO is supposed to act as a link and a mediator among, at times the conflicting interests of member States, serving the happiness and peace of all of the world. The transformation of the contemporary world of developing international relations, stimulated by steadily growing international cooperation in its various dimensions, political, economic, scientific, technological, social and cultural, continuously confronts ICAO with new task.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.207-241
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• 2007

This paper investigates the royal collection of paintings and calligraphy during King Gojong's (高宗) reign (1897~1907) based on the function of the Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂), situated at "sleeping realm (寢殿)," Gyeongbok Palace. Using the surviving palace records and art works this study argues that the date of building the hall is approximately confined to the year of 1890. Not being matched with the general opinion that the Jipgyeong-dang Hall was used for the official meeting with envoys, this hall functioned as the main place for royal audience and the storehouse for archives. The role of Gojong as collector and patron was essential not only to the maintenance of the collection but also to the strengthening of royal authority just before the Japanese annexation in 1910. The specific titles of the collection at this hall can be verified through the Catalogue of the Books, Paintings, and Calligraphy Exposed to the Sun at Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂曝曬書目) dating to the nineteenth century. The records of the catalogue inform us that more than 1,000 paintings and pieces of calligraphy, inkrubbings from old steles, manuals for painting, and encyclopedia concerning art theories from Korea, China, and Japan were preserved there. The collection of Jipgyeong-dang Hall resulted from Gojong's policy to foster the collection of contemporary Chinese and Japanese art works and various catalogues. Standing behind the Gyeongbok Palace, the Jibok-jae Hall (集玉齋) also preserved the diverse sources of practical learning, as did the Jipgyong-dang Hall for Gojong. The enormous royal collections by Gojong might have been constructed in accordance with the royal artistic taste and the artistic milieu of the late Joseon period. The surviving royal catalogues confirm this assumption as documentary evidence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.243-263
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• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

CheomSeongDae (瞻星臺) is a stone structure built in Gyeongju, the former Silla Dynasty capital, during the reign of Queen Seondeok (632~647AD). There exist dozens of hypotheses regarding its original purpose. Depending on to whom you ask, the answer could be a celestial observatory, a religious altar, a Buddhist stupa, a monumental tower symbolizing scientific knowledge, and so on. The most common perception of the structure among lay people is a stargazing tower. Historians, however, have suggested that it was intended as "a gateway to the heavens", specifically the Trāyastriṃśa or the second of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu located on the top of Mountain Sumeru. The name "Cheom-seong-dae" could be interpreted in many different ways. 'Cheom (瞻)' could refer to looking up, staring, or admiring, etc.; 'Seong (星)' could mean a star, heaven, night, etc.; and 'heaven' in that context can be a physical or religious reference. 'Dae (臺)' usually refers to a high platform on which people stand or things are placed. Researchers from the science fields often read 'cheom-seong' as 'looking at stars'; while historians read it as 'admiring the Trāyastriṃśa' or 'adoring Śakra'. Śakra is said to be the ruler of Trāyastriṃśa' who governs the Four Heavenly Kings in the Cāturmahārājika heaven, the first of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu. Śakra is the highest authority of the heavenly kings in direct contact with humankind. This paper examined the usages of 'cheom-seong' in Chinese literature dated prior to the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』, a late 13th century Korean Buddhist historical book that contains the oldest record of the structure among all extant historical texts. I found the oldest usage of cheom-seong (瞻星臺) in 『Ekottara Āgama』, a Buddhist script translated into Chinese in the late 4th century, and was surprised to learn that its meaning was 'looking up at the brightness left by Śakra'. I also found that 'cheom-seong' had been incorporated in various religious contexts, such as Hinduism, Confucianism, Buddhist, Christianism, and Taoism. In Buddhism, there was good, bad, and neutral cheom-seong. Good cheom-seong meant to look up to heaven in the practice of asceticism, reading the heavenly god's intentions, and achieving the mindfulness of Buddhism. Bad cheom-seong included all astrological fortunetelling activities performed outside the boundaries of Buddhism. Neutral cheom-seong is secular. It may help people to understand the nature of the physical world, but was considered to have little meaning unless relating to the spiritual world of Buddhism. Cheom-seong had been performed repetitively in the processes of constructing Buddhist temples in China. According to Buddhist scripts, Queen Māyā of Sakya, the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was reborn in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven. Buddha, before reaching nirvana, ascended from Jetavana to Trāyastriṃśa and spent three months together with his mother. Gautama Buddha then returned to the human world, stepping upon the stairs built by Viśvakarman, the deity of the creative power in Trāyastriṃśa. In later years, King Asoka built a stupa at the site where Buddha descended. Since then, people have believed that the stairway to the heavens appears at a Buddhist stupa. Carefully examining the paragraphic structure of 『Samguk Yusa』's records on Cheomseongdae, plus other historical records, the fact that the alignment between the tomb of Queen Seondeok and Cheomseongdae perfectly matches the sunrise direction at the winter solstice supports this paper's position that Chemseongdae, built in the early years of Queen SeonDeok's reign (632~647AD), was a gateway to the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, just like the stupa at the Daci Temple (慈恩寺) in China built in 654. The meaning of 'Cheom-seong-dae' thus turns out to be 'adoring Trāyastriṃśa stupa', not 'stargazing platform'.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.27-53
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• 2015

Recently, a plastic surgery hospital in Seoul, has been raided following suspicions that ghost surgery was performed by an unauthorized substitute surgeon on a chinese woman who lapsed into a death. Following the incident, an organization to eradicate ghost surgery was created in March by Consumers Korea, founded to protect consumer rights, and the Korea Alliance of Patients Organization. The organization has received reports of illegal medical practices. To substitute another physician without the patient's consent and without his knowledge of the substitution is fraud and deceit and a violation of a basic ethical concept. The patient as a human being is entitled to choose his own physician and he should be permitted to acquiesce in or refuse to accept the substitution. It should be noted that it is the operating surgeon to whom the patient grants his consent to perform the operation. The patient is entitled to the services of the particular surgeon with whom he contracts. The surgeon, in accepting the patient, obligates himself to utilize his personal talents in the performance of the operation to the extent required by the agreement creating the physician-patient relationship. He cannot properly delegate to another the duties which the patient authorizes him to perform personally. 'Ghost surgery' comes under Article 257(Inflicting Bodily Injury on Other or on Lineal Ascendant) of the Criminal Code. Substitution another physician without the patient's consent and without his knowledge of the substitution shall be performed Inflicting Bodily Injury. This is a controversial issue that'ghost surgery' comes under Article 347(Fraud) of the Criminal Code. It maybe controversial that operation substituted by another physician without the patient's consent and without his knowledge of the substitution becomes the component of Fraud. Also, Ghost surgery' comes under Article 27 (Prohibition of Unlicensed Medical Practice, etc.), Article 22 (Medical Records, etc.), Article 33 (Establishment) of the Medical Service Act. The surgeon's obligation to the patient requires him to perform the surgical operation: (1) within the scope of authority granted him by the consent to the operation; (2) in accordance with the terms of the contractual relationship; (3) with complete disclosure of all facts relevant to the need and the performance of the operation; and (4) to utilize his best skill in performing the operation.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.14
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• pp.3-51
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• 2006

In this paper, I applied known theories of appraisal and re-appraisal to the Japanese Colonial Archives and the Colonial City Planing Archives in Korea. The purpose of this application to some of sample archives was to develop a useful and effective approach to appraise the archives which were not appraised before they were determined to be "permanent" archives by the Japanese colonial officials. The colonial archives have lost their context and "chain of custody." A large portion of their volume also disappeared. Only thirty thousands volumes survived. The appraisal theories and related issues applied to and tested on these archives are; "original natures" of archives defined by Sir. Hillary Jenkinson, Schellenburg's information value appraisal theory, the re-appraisal theory based on economy of preservation and prospect for use of the archives, function-based appraisal theory and documentation theory, the special nature of the archives as unique, old and rare colonial archives, the intrinsic value of the archives, especially the city planing maps and drawings, and finally, the determination of the city planing archives as permanent archives according to the contemporary and modern disposal authority. The colonial archives tested were not naturally self-proven authentic and trustworthy records as many other archives are. They lost their chain of custody and they do not guarantee the authenticity and sincerity of the producers. They need to be examined and reviewed critically before they are used as historical evidence or any material which documented the contemporary society. Rapport's re-appraisal theory simply does not fit into these rare historical archives. The colonial archives have intrinsic values. Though these archives represent some aspects of the colonial society, they can not document the colonial society since they are just survived remains or a little part of the whole archives created. The functions and the structure of the Government General of Korea(朝鮮總督府) were not fully studied yet and hardly can be used to determine the archival values of the archives created in some parts of the colonial apparatus. The actual appraisal methods proved to be effective in the case of colonial archives was Schellenburg's information value appraisal theory. The contextual and content information of the colonial archives were analysed and reconstructed. The appraisal works also resulted in full descriptions of the colonial archives which were never described before in terms of archival principles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.126-149
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• 2021

The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.24
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• pp.1-16
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• 2020

This paper presents the process of re-conservation and the results of research on the production method of the Iron Sword with Ring Pommel with Three-Pointed Leaf Decoration, one of the excavation findings from Tomb No. 55 in the Dalseong Ancient Tomb Complex in Daegu. This iron sword is a double weapon with two large swords housed within a single sheath. Four smaller swords are attached to the surface of the sheath, two on the upper portion and the other two below. It is the only such two-in-one weapon excavated intact thus far from an ancient Korean tomb. The records show that it underwent conservation treatment twice in the past. In this study, it was subjected to conservation treatment again to replace the stiffener in some cracking areas, and its material, composition, and production method were analyzed by CT, XRF analysis, and stereoscopic microscopy. The sword is mainly made of copper, but the golden component contains both gold and mercury, which suggests that the copper was plated in gold using mercury amalgamation. The examination of the production methods indicates that it was intended more to demonstrate the authority of its owner rather than to serve any practical use. The two upper small swords on the sheath were made in the same manner as the main swords, and the two small lower swords were cut from a single metal sheet. The sheath was made by cutting two metal sheets. Supports were used to attach the two small swords to the upper portion of the sheath, while the lower portion of the sheath was slit to allow the other two small swords to be inserted into it. The ring pommels of the main swords have a three-pointed leaf decoration. As for the other designs, the handle of the main sword features a series of semicircles, the decorative bands on the sheath have waves in dots, and the fish tail of the sheath shows diagonal lines of dots.