• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.109-146
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze the determinants of participating in the candlelight protest for the impeachment of Park Geun-hye from 2016 to 2017. In particular, it revealed the effects of social economic factors, emotional factors, political orientation, and political attitudes and behaviors in participation of candlelight protests. To this end, the survey was conducted for candlelight participants and non-participants. The results of the study confirmed the effects of gender, ideology, political party, anger, dissatisfaction with the presidential performance, non voting activities, TV and newspaper use, and political association activities.

• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.121-136
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• 2002

The main purpose of this study is to examine the overall procedure of hospital's internal review of health insurance reimbursement, to present the case of protest against reimbursement cut, and hence to provide some information on hospital's management of medical revenue. The object of the case study is 'P' university medical center, possessing 5 different hospitals under its system. Presentation of the case of protest against reimbursement cut has following meanings: Firstly, to the hospitals that already have internal review departments, information on the details of the protest process and results can be exchanged. Secondly, to the Government and National Health Insurance Corporation, useful data are provided for the improvement of the rules and procedures of health insurance reimbursement. Thirdly, to the hospitals without internal review departments, fundamental materials on the internal review process are provided for the effective management of medical revenue.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.65-77
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• 2011

In Western Europo and the US, there has been a general trend over 30 years of reducing the amount of force by the police, through a paradigm shift from 'Escalated Force Model' towards 'Negotiated Management Model'. In tune with this trend, for example, the Swedish Police have implemented the uniformed 'Dialogue Police' system, in order to establish communication contact with demonstrators, before, during, and after their events, The Negotiated Management Model involves a greater respect for the rights of protesters, a more tolerant approach to community, and improved intelligence, communication, and flexibility, in order to facilitate lawful protests and to reduce the possibility of an escalation of major public disorder. The Korean National Police (KNP) appears to be operated within this negotiated management framework, since in preparation for the G20 Seoul Summit, they have also emphasized good communication between the police and protest groups, by newly creating the concept of 'Protest Policing Through Facilitation of Lawful Protests'. In this context, this study first attempts to analyze not only the negotiated management model, but also the Swedish dialogue police. Secondly, the study conducts a comparative study between the KNP's Protest Policing Through Facilitation of Lawful Protest and the Swedish dialogue police system, particularly, in conjunction with the negotiated management. Although Korean and western police have different system and history, protest policing model is now approaching with each other through a link between conflict resolution techniques, such as dialogue, negotiation, mediation and facilitation. Finally, the study is to prove if the KNP's protest policing model corresponds with the negotiated management model, and further to suggest new 'Facilitation of Conflict Resolution Model' as a desirable future of the KNP's protest policing.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.268-291
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• 2014

Social media is becoming more and more important in social movements. This study, adopting the web mining approach, attempts to investigate how social media, Facebook in particular, functioned in the "May 25 Protest" and the "May 27 Protest", two movements which broke out in Macao on 25 and 27 May 2014, respectively, against the Retirement Package Bill. In the two protests, Macao residents deployed Facebook to share information and motivated people's participation. Twelve events (181,106 people invited) and 36 groups/pages (41,266 members) related on Facebook were examined. Results showed that the information flow on Facebook fluctuated in accordance with the event development in reality. Multiple patterns of manifestation, such as video of adopted news or songs, designed profile (protest icon), original ironic pictures, self-organized clubs by undergraduates and white T-shirts as a symbol, among others, appeared online and interacted with offline actions. It was also found that social media assisted the information diffusion and provided persuasive reasons for netizens to join the movement. Social media helped to expand movement influence in providing a platform for diversified performances for actions taken in a protest, which could express and develop core and consistent movement repertoire.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.87-93
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• 2019

In this paper, we propose a real-time drone-based violent protest detection system. Our proposed system uses drones to detect scenes of violent protest in real-time. The important problem is that the victims and violent actions have to be manually searched in videos when the evidence has been collected. Firstly, we focused to solve the limitations of existing collecting evidence devices by using drone to collect evidence live and upload in AWS(Amazon Web Service)[1]. Secondly, we built a Deep Learning based violence detection model from the videos using Yolov3 Feature Pyramid Network for human activity recognition, in order to detect three types of violent action. The built model classifies people with possession of gun, swinging pipe, and violent activity with the accuracy of 92, 91 and 80.5% respectively. This system is expected to significantly save time and human resource of the existing collecting evidence.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.135-168
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• 2012

This study analyzes ways to detect protest responses (hereafter, PR zero-bid) in the contingent valuation method (CVM). In order to distinguish PR zero-bids from true zero-bids (non-PR zero bids), this study adopts the concept of the implicit willingness to pay employing the Hicksian compensating surplus and the Taylor's 1st order approximation. When a respondent proposes a zero-bid (i.e., WTP=0) and chooses a PR filtering item to indicate that her implicit WTP is not necessary zero, her response is identified as a PR zero bid. PR filtering items falling into the PR zero bids category include the uncertainty of information, distrust in the government and project achievement, disagreement to project plans, discontent with the fairness of public works and their payment method and animosity against the CVM itself. The empirical analysis shows that PR zero bids take place systematically in particular respondent groups: respondents who have never used similar facilities before nor plans to use the facility provided by the public project, the employed, and low income groups. In conclusion, the study suggests that a CVM questionnaire needs to be designed carefully to minimize problems associated with PR zero bids and the potential risks of having sample selection bias should be concerned.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.435-461
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• 2015

Recently, Korean development Institute includes water for environmental improvement as an additional water demand category in water resources development project. In response to this change, this paper is to measure benefits of providing additional water in Yeondok Ohsip River by applying contingent valuation method. This study extended the conventional CVM design by incorporating distance variable into WTP function of dichotonomous choice responses and treated protest bids by estimating sample-selection models. The empirical analysis exhibited that more than 30% of respondents were categorized as protest bids and the mean of WTP from sample selection models were three times higher than that of the whole sample. In addition, the distance variable had significantly negative impact on sample WTP regardless of variables forms, and the geographical market area were more 400km, which implies that beneficiaries of water service would the households from the whole nation.

• Journal of the Korean Professional Engineers Association
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.9-25
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• 1990

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

A good story persuades people to act. The mobilizing power of a story, however, does not necessarily rely on informational fidelity. During political unrests, word-of-mouth can intermix facts with unverified claims and emotional outrage, often transforming reality into convincing rumor stories. This rapid communication article discusses how rumor publics (dis)approve and participate in 2019 Hong Kong Protests. This survey study finds that police injustice and brutality were the predominant themes of the collected rumor stories, although some stories contained mixed views or anti-protest claims. Rumors of police injustice and brutality were associated with less negative attitudes toward the protests, especially when respondents believed the story. The relationship between rumor stories and protest participation was less obvious, except for rumors about an individual protester's whereabout. This study discusses the ways in which rumor is embedded in contentious political processes.