• Title/Summary/Keyword: Production Control

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Growth Efficiency, Carcass Quality Characteristics and Profitability of 'High'-Market Weight Pigs ('고체중' 출하돈의 성장효율, 도체 품질 특성 및 수익성)

  • Park, M.J.;Ha, D.M.;Shin, H.W.;Lee, S.H.;Kim, W.K.;Ha, S.H.;Yang, H.S.;Jeong, J.Y.;Joo, S.T.;Lee, C.Y.
    • Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.459-470
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    • 2007
  • Domestically, finishing pigs are marketed at 110 kg on an average. However, it is thought to be feasible to increase the market weight to 120kg or greater without decreasing the carcass quality, because most domestic pigs for pork production have descended from lean-type lineages. The present study was undertaken to investigate the growth efficiency and profitability of ‘high’-market wt pigs and the physicochemical characteristics and consumers' acceptability of the high-wt carcass. A total of 96 (Yorkshire × Landrace) × Duroc-crossbred gilts and barrows were fed a finisher diet ad laibtum in 16 pens beginning from 90-kg BW, after which the animals were slaughtered at 110kg (control) or ‘high’ market wt (135 and 125kg in gilts & barrows, respectively) and their carcasses were analyzed. Average daily gain and gain:feed did not differ between the two sex or market wt groups, whereas average daily feed intake was greater in the barrow and high market wt groups than in the gilt and 110-kg market wt groups, respectively(P<0.01). Backfat thickness of the high-market wt gilts and barrows corrected for 135 and 125-kg live wt, which were 23.7 and 22.5 mm, respectively, were greater (P<0.01) than their corresponding 110-kg counterparts(19.7 & 21.1 mm). Percentages of the trimmed primal cuts per total trimmed lean (w/w), except for that of loin, differed statistically (P<0.05) between two sex or market wt groups, but their numerical differences were rather small. Crude protein content of the loin was greater in the high vs. 110-kg market group (P<0.01), but crude fat and moisture contents and other physicochemical characteristics including the color of this primal cut were not different between the two sexes or market weights. Aroma, marbling and overall acceptability scores were greater in the high vs. 110-kg market wt group in sensory evaluation for fresh loin (P<0.01); however, overall acceptabilities for cooked loin, belly and ham were not different between the two market wt groups. Marginal profits of the 135- and 125-kg high-market wt gilt and barrow relative to their corresponding 110-kg ones were approximately -35,000 and 3,500 wons per head under the current carcass grading standard and price. However, if it had not been for the upper wt limits for the A- and B-grade carcasses, marginal profits of the high market wt gilt and barrow would have amounted to 22,000 and 11,000 wons per head, respectively. In summary, 120~125-kg market pigs are likely to meet the consumers' preference better than the 110-kg ones and also bring a profit equal to or slightly greater than that of the latter even under the current carcass grading standard. Moreover, if only the upper wt limits of the A- & B-grade carcasses were removed or increased to accommodate the high-wt carcass, the optimum market weights for the gilt and barrow would fall upon their target weights of the present study, i.e. 135 and 125 kg, respectively.

Inflow at Ssangyongmun Gate During the Goryeo Dynasty and Its Identity (고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡) 유입(流入)과 독자성(獨自性))

  • Choi, Juyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.142-171
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    • 2019
  • The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

Construction and Application of Intelligent Decision Support System through Defense Ontology - Application example of Air Force Logistics Situation Management System (국방 온톨로지를 통한 지능형 의사결정지원시스템 구축 및 활용 - 공군 군수상황관리체계 적용 사례)

  • Jo, Wongi;Kim, Hak-Jin
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.77-97
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    • 2019
  • The large amount of data that emerges from the initial connection environment of the Fourth Industrial Revolution is a major factor that distinguishes the Fourth Industrial Revolution from the existing production environment. This environment has two-sided features that allow it to produce data while using it. And the data produced so produces another value. Due to the massive scale of data, future information systems need to process more data in terms of quantities than existing information systems. In addition, in terms of quality, only a large amount of data, Ability is required. In a small-scale information system, it is possible for a person to accurately understand the system and obtain the necessary information, but in a variety of complex systems where it is difficult to understand the system accurately, it becomes increasingly difficult to acquire the desired information. In other words, more accurate processing of large amounts of data has become a basic condition for future information systems. This problem related to the efficient performance of the information system can be solved by building a semantic web which enables various information processing by expressing the collected data as an ontology that can be understood by not only people but also computers. For example, as in most other organizations, IT has been introduced in the military, and most of the work has been done through information systems. Currently, most of the work is done through information systems. As existing systems contain increasingly large amounts of data, efforts are needed to make the system easier to use through its data utilization. An ontology-based system has a large data semantic network through connection with other systems, and has a wide range of databases that can be utilized, and has the advantage of searching more precisely and quickly through relationships between predefined concepts. In this paper, we propose a defense ontology as a method for effective data management and decision support. In order to judge the applicability and effectiveness of the actual system, we reconstructed the existing air force munitions situation management system as an ontology based system. It is a system constructed to strengthen management and control of logistics situation of commanders and practitioners by providing real - time information on maintenance and distribution situation as it becomes difficult to use complicated logistics information system with large amount of data. Although it is a method to take pre-specified necessary information from the existing logistics system and display it as a web page, it is also difficult to confirm this system except for a few specified items in advance, and it is also time-consuming to extend the additional function if necessary And it is a system composed of category type without search function. Therefore, it has a disadvantage that it can be easily utilized only when the system is well known as in the existing system. The ontology-based logistics situation management system is designed to provide the intuitive visualization of the complex information of the existing logistics information system through the ontology. In order to construct the logistics situation management system through the ontology, And the useful functions such as performance - based logistics support contract management and component dictionary are further identified and included in the ontology. In order to confirm whether the constructed ontology can be used for decision support, it is necessary to implement a meaningful analysis function such as calculation of the utilization rate of the aircraft, inquiry about performance-based military contract. Especially, in contrast to building ontology database in ontology study in the past, in this study, time series data which change value according to time such as the state of aircraft by date are constructed by ontology, and through the constructed ontology, It is confirmed that it is possible to calculate the utilization rate based on various criteria as well as the computable utilization rate. In addition, the data related to performance-based logistics contracts introduced as a new maintenance method of aircraft and other munitions can be inquired into various contents, and it is easy to calculate performance indexes used in performance-based logistics contract through reasoning and functions. Of course, we propose a new performance index that complements the limitations of the currently applied performance indicators, and calculate it through the ontology, confirming the possibility of using the constructed ontology. Finally, it is possible to calculate the failure rate or reliability of each component, including MTBF data of the selected fault-tolerant item based on the actual part consumption performance. The reliability of the mission and the reliability of the system are calculated. In order to confirm the usability of the constructed ontology-based logistics situation management system, the proposed system through the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), which is a representative model for measuring the acceptability of the technology, is more useful and convenient than the existing system.

A Study on Transition of Rice Culture Practices During Chosun Dynasty Through Old References IX. Intergrated Discussion on Rice (주요(主要) 고농서(古農書)를 통(通)한 조선시대(朝鮮時代)의 도작기술(稻作技術) 전개(展開) 과정(過程) 연구(硏究) - IX. 도작기술(稻作技術)에 대(對)한 종합고찰(綜合考察))

  • Guh, J.O.;Lee, S.K.;Lee, E.W.;Lee, H.S.
    • Korean Journal of Weed Science
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.70-79
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    • 1992
  • From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.

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Current and Future Operation of Menu Management in the School Foodservices of Chungbuk (1) - Menu Planning - (충북지역 학교급식 영양(교)사의 식단관리 운영실태 및 개선방안(1) - 식단계획 -)

  • Ahn, Yoon-Ju;Lee, Young-Eun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.41 no.8
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    • pp.1118-1133
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    • 2012
  • This research aimed to suggest an efficient improvement plan for school food services by investigating the operating situation and recognition of menu management in school food services for school food service dietitians (and nutrition teachers) in Chungbuk. A total of 328 questionnaires were distributed to school food service dietitians (and nutrition teachers) in Chungbuk by e-mail in September, 2010. A total of 265 questionnaires (80.8%) were used for the analysis. The highest allocation of nutrients and calories per day in school food services was 1:1.5:1.5 (breakfast : lunch : dinner) (38.5%). The reasoning for applying a flexible allocation of nutrients and calories per day was 'considering the ratio of students who do not eat breakfast' (59.2%). And the way to apply the flexible allocation for nutrients and calories per day was 'by agreement from the school operating committee in arbitrary data without situation surveys' (86 respondents, 49.4%), and 'by agreement from the school operating committee in analysis data through situation surveys' (80 respondents, 46.0%). The operational method of standardized recipes was 'cooking management site of national education information systems' (87.5%) and the items included in standardized recipes were menu name, food material name, portion size, cooking method, nutrition analysis, and critical control point in HACCP. The main reason for not utilizing all items of a cooking management site of the national education information system was 'no big trouble in menu management even though it is used partly (29.1%). In addition, the highest use of standardized recipe was for 'maintaining consistency of food production quantity' (74.0%).

Rationalization of Fertilizing and Development of Fetilizer (시비(施肥)의 합리화(合理化)와 비종개발(肥種開發))

  • Lim, Sun-Uk
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.49-50
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    • 1982
  • The objective of this paper is to review the changes in fertilizer use pattern and to discuss some aspects of the fertilizer development in Korea. Fertilizer consumption in Korea have steadily increased to triple the application rates of N, P and K during the 15 years from 1965 to 1980, and Korea became one of the countries which apply fertilizers at the highest rate. The ratio of N: $P_2O_5$: $K_2O$ in fertilizer consumption changed from 55.4 : 31.4 : 13.1 in 1965 to 54.0 : 23.8 : 22.2 in 1980. It can be said that Korean farmers practise a balanced fertilization at least in view of fertilizer consumption as compared to other developing countries. However, differences in soil properties, crops, and climate varying as region were not reflected on fertilization. In the technological development of fertilizer, the chemical form and composition of the fertilizer as well as the suitability to the specific crops must be taken into consideration for the efficient use of fertilizers. Although organic fertilizers and manure are accepted as minor element suppliers, it is necessary to add minor elements into chemical fertilizers on the industrial process. Industrial waste may be used for the agricultural production as a measure of pollution control providing careful study on the waste.

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Cultural Practices for Reducing Cold Wind Damage of Rice Plant in Eastern Coastal Area of Korea (동해안지대 도작의 냉조풍피해와 피해경감대책)

  • 이승필;김칠용
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.36 no.5
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    • pp.407-428
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    • 1991
  • The eastern coastal area having variability of climate is located within Taebaek mountain range and the east coast of Korea. It is therefore ease to cause the wind damages in paddy field during rice growing season. The wind damages to rice plant in this area were mainly caused by the Fohn wind (dry and hot wind) blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the cold humid wind from the coast. The dry wind cause such as the white head, broken leaves, cut-leaves, dried leaves, shattering of grain, glume discolouration and lodging, On the other hand the cold humid wind derived from Ootsuku air mass in summer cause such symptom as the poor rice growth, degeneration of rachis brenches and poor ripening. To minimize the wind damages and utilize as a preparatory data for wind injury of rice in future, several experiments such as the selection of wind resistant variety to wind damage, determination of optimum transplanting date, improvement of fertilizer application methods, improvement of soils and effect of wind break net were carried out for 8 years from 1982 to 1989 in the eastern coastal area. The results obtained are summarized as follows. 1. According to available statisical data from Korean meteorological services (1954-1989) it is apperent that cold humid winds frequently cause damage to rice fields from August 10th to September 10th, it is therefore advisable to plan rice cultivation in such a way that the heading date should not be later than August 10th. 2. During the rice production season, two winds cause severe damage to the rice fields in eastern coastal area of Korea. One is the Fohn winds blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the other is the cold humid wind form the coast. The frequency of occurrence of each wind was 25%. 3. To avoid damage caused by typhoon winds three different varieties of rice were planted at various areas. 4. In the eastern coastal area of Korea, the optimum ripening temperature for rice was about 22.2$^{\circ}C$ and the optimum heading date wad August 10th. The optimum transplanting time for the earily maturity variety was June 10th., medium maturity variety was May 20th and that of late maturity was May 10th by means of growing days degree (GDD) from transplanting date to heading date. 5.38% of this coastal area is sandy loamy soil while 28% is high humus soil. These soil types are very poor for rice cultivation. In this coastal area, the water table is high, the drainage is poor and the water temperature is low. The low water temperature makes it difficult for urea to dissolve, as a result rice growth was delayed, and the rice plant became sterile. But over application of urea resulted in blast disease in rice plants. It is therefore advise that Ammonium sulphate is used in this area instead of urea. 6. The low temperature of the soil inhibits activities of microorganism for phosphorus utilization so the rice plant could not easily absorb the phosphorus in the soil. Therefore phosphorus should be applied in splits from transplanting to panicle initiation rather than based application. 7. Wind damage was severe in the sandy loamy soil as compared to clay soils. With the application of silicate. compost and soil from mointain area. the sand loamy soil was improved for rice grain colour and ripening. 8. The use of wind break nets created a mocro-climate such as increased air. soil and water temperature as well as the reduction of wind velocity by 30%. This hastened rice growth, reduced white head and glume discolouration. improved rice quality and increased yield. 9. Two meter high wind break net was used around the rice experimental fields and the top of it. The material was polyethylene sheets. The optimum spacing was 0.5Cm x 0.5Cm. and that of setting up the wind break net was before panicle initiation. With this set up, the field was avoided off th cold humid wind and the Fohn. The yield in the treatment was 20% higher than the control. 10. After typhoon, paddy field was irrigated deeply and water was sprayed to reduce white head, glume discolouration, so rice yield was increased because of increasing ripening ratio and 1, 000 grain weight.

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Studies on the Method of Ground Vegetation Establishment of Denuded Forest Land in the Mudstone Region - The Characteristics of Mudstone and Speeded-up Reforestation - (니암지대황폐림지(泥岩地帶荒廢林地)의 지피식생(地被植生) 조성방법(造成方法)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - 니암특성((泥岩特性)과 조기녹화(早期綠化) -)

  • Chung, In Koo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.1-23
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    • 1973
  • The results of ground vegetation experiment conducted at completely denuded forestland in the mudstone region are summerized as follows: On the reaults of soiling quantity the effect of soiling was observed where depth of soiling over 10 cm was practiced, and a plot where treated with 15cm soiling and without fertilizer showed poor growth and it was even worser than the plot where soiling was practiced only 1 cm in thikness but applied adequate amount of fertilizers. The depth of slits between 30cm and 40cm showed no significant difference in the effect. A plot where covered with vegetation bag showed somewhat better results in seed loss and early growth but no differences observed in the fall result over the none covered plot. And then, it is recommendable to have soiling over 10cm in thikness with slit of 30cm and 30cm in depth and to apply 30 gram of fertilizer (22;22:11, 50 gram) per slit. On various soiling materials trial there were no striking differences in the effect of soiling between weathered granite soil, wheathered tuffs soil and weathered mudstone soil. In the treatment with various green materials, a plot treated with straw mat showed a significant difference at 1 percent. The results show that weathered mudstone soil is effective to use as soiling materials and straw mat treatment was better. On forest fertilization trial, in the mudstone region where red and black pine trees already existing at a rate of 2,000-3,000 trees per hectare had applied 110kg of compound fertilizers (9:12:3 and 22:22:11) per hectare basis in terms of plant nutrient. As a result, the difference in effect between the compound fertilizers was not found however the leaf color and leaf length of the fertilizer added plot showed darker and longer at 30 percent over the no fertilizer received plot. Compound fertilizers, 14:37:12 and 9:12:3 were applied to alder trees at a rate of 20 gram and 40 gram per tree in terms of plant nutrient and a remarkable growth accelerantion was observed where 40 grams of plant nutrient applied. The effect difference between the compound fertilizers was not found. On investigation of tree root elongation, forty years old red pine trees showed only 15cm tap root elongation through mudstone while black pine had 23 cm tap root elongation. The total length of supporting root elongtion of red and black pines showed 20 and 13 meters, respectively. The tap roots of Black locusts were not able to elongate through mudstone, however, the supporting roots tended to develop to the underneath of pine tree where some moisture content is available. Black locusts And grown on the residual soil of mudstone normally die between 8 to 10 years. The red pine trees show flat in tree shape while black pine had triangle in the shape. With the results it can be said that in an artificial reforestation in denuded forest land of the mudstone region the adequate slit and enough amount of fertiliizer application must be provided for the succesful performance of the program. On integrated experimental results of 1972. for the establishment of ground vegetation on the completely denuded forest land in mudstone region, soiling could be effectively practiced with weathered mudstone soil and it would not specially necessiate to have either weathered granite or tuffssoil for the soiling. And the soiling depth should be more than 10 cm in thickness. Among green materials used the straw mat proved to be the most effective reatment. Three major factors which enable to establish ground vegetation by the shortest period of time: A. Physical improvement of soil is necessary to breakdown of the horizontal cracks sushas Slit, contour line plot, seeding hole and etc., and soiling with weathered mudstone soil. B. Chemical improvement of soil: is needed sufficient amount of fertilizer application 300~400kg ha, $N+P_2O_5+K_2O$), and increased production of ground covering and expedite resolution of the vegetation (ground vegetation, fallen leaves and twigs). C. Complete establishment of the basic structure for the erosion control (Prevention of surface soil erosion)

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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