• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.127-136
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• 2010

This study is aimed at reviewed and analyzed in order to suggest the improved plans related to natural monuments. The summary of this study is as followings; First, Replacing the current term 'cultural properties', which denotes the meaning of 'goods', we need to devise an new categorization that separates such properties into cultural heritage and natural heritage under the national heritage framework. Second, the designation criteria for natural monuments should be divided into the individual realm for animals and plants respectively, since they are not divided in the current Act. Third, the guidelines for naming of natural monuments should be established with the following new categories in accordance with the clear standards. Fourth, such imbalances require us to give priority to the relatively neglected types and areas. Fifth, as the big and old trees account for more than a half of the designated plants, it is necessary to search out new resources(wet plant communities, seashores, sand dune plant communities, etc.) such as geological resources, mineral springs, hot springs, and fossils that are in danger of completely being exploited and exhausted. While most of the designated animals are protected nationally, the existing designation system is required to protect habitats and breeding places for the systematic and efficient conservation. Sixth, as long as we need to preserve those historical and cultural resources for the future generations from national and global perspectives, we should enhance their values by designating them as natural monuments even though they are protected by other regulations such as the natural environment area. Seventh, as a result of the survey, we found that more budgets and experts in the local governments, more empowered organizations, more active public participation should be provided for the better Natural Monument management in Korea. Eighth, the Lap of Natural Heritage in the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage needs to be developed to the Natural Heritage Institute to conduct the diverse activities such as researches, restoration, exhibition and education programs in a systematic and efficient way. Ninth and the last, major damages to natural monuments can be generally categorized into the artificial one and natural one, respectively. The artificial damages include toxics, soil covering, excessive humidity, fire, construction and management works, unlawful damages, fishing, oil spillage, etc, and the natural ones include lightning, storms(typhoons), heavy snowfalls, damage by insects and diseases, lack of prey, etc. This study will become meaningful in that it proposes specific measures for the improvement of the institutions, designation, and management of natural monuments on the basis of the comprehensive analysis on natural monuments. We wish to leave the other subjects related with this study to the future researches.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.135-146
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• 2015

This study was carried out to understand ecological characteristics of Korean goral such as home range, seasonal home range and habitat use and used for Korean goral restoration and conservation, through a pair of gorals in the north Gyeongbuk province of Korea. With data from GPS collars, we analyzed the behavioral characteristics of the endangered Korean gorals(n=2) in Uljin area from June 2013 to July 2014. As a result, their home range was $1.38{\pm}0.24km^2$ in MCP 95%, $0.81{\pm}0.09km^2$ in FK 95% and $0.15{\pm}0.16km^2$ in FK 50% (t=8.118, p>0.05). Seasonal home range for MCP 95% was $0.74{\pm}0.31km^2$ > (winter) > $0.71{\pm}0.27km^2$ (spring) > $0.61{\pm}0.06km^2$ (autumn) > $0.27{\pm}0.04km^2$ (summer) (F=2.135 p>0.05). It showed that home range in winter was the largest and that in summer was the smallest. Mean elevation of male for seasonal habitat use was $440.18{\pm}71.32m$ in summer and that of female was $727.25{\pm}99.98m$ in spring. The lowest altitude for male was $372.72{\pm}70.79$ and female was $664.60{\pm}139.71m$. It meant that there were seasonal change and thus annual and seasonal behavior characteristics for both sexes had different correlation according to elevation change. Although in this study the correlation with prey in habitat and the changes of habitat disturbance were not clearly investigated, We could understand goral home range and habitat use through research data.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.76-87
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the performance of and to derive future maintenance-management measures of the constructed alternative habitat for the Kaloula borealis at the University of Seoul, examining the period between 2015-2017. The research was constructed in 2014 and in a $191m^2$ area. The performance evaluation was divided into maintaining the habitat of the target species, maintaining the population and reproduction rates of the target species, maintaining the habitat of the wild species, the resilience of natural ecosystems, and the harmony with the surrounding environment. In terms of maintaining the habitat of the target species, soil collected from the existing habitat of the Kaloula borealis and was the depth was increased to 30cm in the alternative habitat. An artificial water supply was required every year during the supporting the spawning and hatching of other amphibians along with the Kaloula borealis. The sources of water of the alternative habitat were both rain and tap water, as it cannot be maintained naturally. Additionally, the Kaloula borealis thrived because it inhabited the research site and the average temperature was $26.2^{\circ}C$ from April-June, which is when the Kaloula borealis spawns. In terms of maintaining the population and reproduction rates of the Kaloula borealis, they were evaluated to have stable rates of reproduction. In terms of maintaining the habitat of the wild species, studies on vegetation and the structure of the characteristics of prey or predators will be needed. Also, alien species, such as Humulus japonicus and Bidens frondosa needed to be removed to maintain the wetland ecosystem of the wild species. In the assessment of the resilience of the natural ecosystems, the mud was monitored, noting the changes in the depth of water, with steps taken to reduce the leakage of water. The mud collected from the Haneul Pond wetland, which is located around the research site was piled up. Also, partial mowing management and the inducement of a natural vegetation colony was required for vegetation management. It was also necessary to create porous spaces, such as old trees and tree branches to create a habitat with hiding places and feeding and spawning places for small organisms. In terms of the harmony with the surrounding environment, the following threat factors needed to be managed: amphibian roadkill by vehicles and pedestrians and artificial draining due to nearby user access. Based on the monitoring results, alternative habitat management measures presented the promoting various waterside structures, in which amphibians can spawn and hide in, managing the water environment consistently, managing the vegetation, focused on the habitat of the wild species, and managing the surrounding environment for the habitat. The creation of an alternative habitat should be managed through monitoring, reflecting the characteristics of the changes in the site. Also continuing efforts are also needed to improve the habitat of the target species.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.360-367
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• 1995

The relative toxicity of abamectin was assessed to the predatory mite Amblyseius womersleyi Schicha and to dicofol-resistant and -susceptible twospotted spider mite (TSM) Tetranychus urticae Koch in the laboratory. Abamectin was much les toxic to the predator than to the spider mite. At 0.12 and 0.6 ppm, all TSM adult females of the tow strains were killed within 48 h after dipping n the solutions. The lower concentrations (0.06 and 0.012 ppm) killed more than 77% of TSM female adults of the two strains at 120 h after treatment. However, abmectin did not significantly affect the survival and mobility of A. womersleyi female adults at a concentration of 0.12 ppm but the mortality was slightly increased up to 20~23% at 0.6 and 6 ppm. Abamectin did not significantly affect hatchability of one-day old TSM eggs at 0.06~0.6 ppm. The Four-day old eggs were much more susceptible to abamectin than one-day old eggs were. Within 0.006-6 ppm, abamectin did not affect the hatchability of A. womersleyi eggs and the development of resulting immature predators. When the predator female adults were dipped in 0.6 and 0.12 ppm solution, their reproduction was not affected, but at 6 ppm it was decreased by 35%. However, the reproduction of TSM reduced significantly at concentrations between 0.006 and 0.6 ppm. The differential toxicity of abamectin between TSM and the predator could be of practical importance in managing spider mite populations in the field. Abamectin at selective sublethal concentrations (i.e., 0.012~0.06 ppm) could be of value in adjusting predator/prey ratios in integrated management of spider mites.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.125-132
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• 2007

We estimated the distribution of predator-prey interaction strengths for 12 species of herbivores (including amphipods, isopods, gastropods, and sea urchins) and made a regression model that may be applicable to other species. Laboratory experiments were used to determine per capita grazing rate (PCGR; g seaweeds/individual/day). Relationship between the biomass of individual grazers and fourth-root transformed PCGR was fitted to power curve ($y=0.2310x^{0.3290}$, r=0.8864). This finding supported that the grazing efficiency was not even as individual grazers increase in size (biomass). Therefore, the biomass-normalized PCGR was estimated and revealed that smaller size herbivores were more effective grazers. Grazing impact considering density of each taxon was calculated. The sea hare Aplysia kurodai had greatest grazing impact on the seaweed bed and the sea urchin Strongylocentrotus nudus and S. intermedius were ranked in descending order of the impact. The amount of seaweed grazed by the amphipod Elasmopus sp. (>4,000 $ind./m^2$) and Jassa falcata (>2,000 $ind./m^2$) were 3.435 and $1.697mg/m^2/day$ respectively. The combined grazing amount of herbivores was $5,045mg/m^2/day$ in the seaweed bed. Although sea hare and sea urchin had strong impacts on seaweeds, the effects of dense, smaller species could not be seen as negligible. Surprisingly, the calculated grazing potential of sea urchins with a mean density of 3 $ind./m^2$ exceeded the mean production of seaweed cultured in domestic coastal waters in Korea (ca., 5 ton/ha). Small crustaceans were also expected to consume up to 16% of the seaweed production if their densities were rising under weak predation conditions. Considering that the population density of herbivores are strongly controlled by fish, human interference like overfishing may have strong negative effects on persistence of seaweeds communities.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.37-46
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• 2000

We investigated the temporal and spatial variations in heterotrophic dinoflagellates (hereafter HTD) and ciliates from June to September 1997 in the waters off Kohung, Korea where red tides dominated by harmful dinoflagellates had occurred from August to October since 1995. We took water samples five times from 5-7 depths at 3 stations in this study period. A total of 17 HTD species were present and of these species in the genus Protoperidinium were 11. The species number of tintinnids (hereafter TIN) present totalled 15 and several naked ciliate (hereafter NC) species were observed. The species numbers of HTD and TIN rapidly increased between August 1st and 21st and then reached to the maximum numbers of 13 and 10, respectively, on August 27 when red tides dominated by Gyrodinium impudicum were first observed in the study area. However the species numbers drastically decreased on September 22. The maximum densities of HTD, TIN, and NC were 45, 39, 57 cells $ml^{-1}$, respectively. ADAS, calculated by averaging the densities of a certain species in the all samples collected from all depths and stations at a sampling period, most increased between August 1st and 21st and then reached to the maximum density of f cells $ml^{-1}$ on August 27 for HTD, while did between August 21st and 27th and up to 7 cells $ml^{-1}$ for TIN. Unlike ADAS of HTD and TIN, that of NC did not change much with the maximum of 8 cells $ml^{-1}$ on August 27th. The pattern of the temperal variation in the species number and ADAS of HTD was similar to that of diatoms and the distributions of Protoperidinium spp. and diatoms had a strong positive correlation. This evidence suggests that HTD, in particular Protoperidinium spp. be a grazer on diatom. In general, the densities of HTD, TIN, and NC decreased with going to stations located in the outer bay. Therefore, the availability of suitable prey and distance from the coastal line might be responsible for the distribution of HTD, TIN, and NC. The results of the present study provide a basis for further experiments for the feeding by dominant HTD, TIN, and NC on dominant phytoplankton including red tide species and for understanding food webs in the planktonic community before, during, and after the red tide outbreak.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.