• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.213-243
• /
• 2017

In the first half of 2016, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo continued his efforts to secure support from major political parties, often benefiting from internal party conflicts. During the tense campaign for the 2017 Jakarta gubernational election, however, blasphemy charges against incumbent "Ahok", an ethnic Chinese and Christian, put Jokowi in trouble. Led by radical Islamic organizations such as Front Pembela Islam (FPI), half a million people filled Jakarta's streets, calling for Ahok's arrest. The resurgence of identity politics questioned the boundaries of the Indonesian nation and its core premises on the relationship between religion and the state. In the realm of foreign policies, the Jokowi administration maintained its tougher stance against illegal fishing in its waters. In spite of Indonesia's clashes with Chinese vessels in the Natuna sea, however, it is unlikely that the tension will escalate uncontrollably, as the Jokowi administration is seeking investment from rich neighbors for building infrastructure, which will be his key legacy for the 2019 presidential election.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.101-118
• /
• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.48 no.5
• /
• pp.651-666
• /
• 2013

The objective of this study is to introduce the characteristics and establishing process of national regional policy for the sunbelt developmentr initiative of the southern coastal area in Korea. Discussion on the development of southern coastal area of Korea with some members of the Korea Society of Future Studies began in the early 1990s, and its discussion was continued with the activities by the Committee on Regional Unity of the Grand National Party and Namhaean Forum. The sunbelt development initiative was selected as one of the major commitments of the Grand National Party in the 17th presidential election of Korea. Since the launching of the Lee Myung-bak government, the Presidential Committee on Balanced National Development made a comprehensive plan for sunbelt development of southern coastal area(CPSD), and this plan was confirmed by central governmental planning in May 2010. CPSD is meaningful in terms of the fir first national regional planning and legal plan in Korea. The target year of CPSD is 2020, and some projects by CPSD started in 2010. However, there are many negative views that CPSD will not be going too well. Therefore, new efforts and roles of geographers who participated in the process of planning of CPSD are required for the success of CPSD.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.587-598
• /
• 2016

In predicting an outcome of election using a variety of methods ahead of the election, non-response is one of the major issues. Therefore, to address the non-response issue, a variety of methods of non-response imputation may be employed, but the result of forecasting tend to vary according to methods. In this study, in order to improve electoral forecasts, we studied a model based method of non-response imputation attempting to apply the Monte Carlo Expectation Maximization (MCEM) algorithm, introduced by Wei and Tanner (1990). The MCEM algorithm using maximum likelihood estimates (MLEs) is applied to solve the boundary solution problem under the non-ignorable non-response mechanism. We performed the simulation studies to compare estimation performance among MCEM, maximum likelihood estimation, and Bayesian estimation method. The results of simulation studies showed that MCEM method can be a reasonable candidate for non-response model estimation. We also applied MCEM method to the Korean presidential election exit poll data of 2012 and investigated prediction performance using modified within precinct error (MWPE) criterion (Bautista et al., 2007).

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
• /
• v.8 no.10
• /
• pp.883-893
• /
• 2018

The inflow of Labor Migrants has been grown up to 600,000 people until now with the adoption of Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2004 until now. However the institutional support lack to ensure their rights and improve their conditions. This is because of their consideration ad temporary labors in South Korean society and labor forces rather than the objects of integration. As a result, the legal status and rights of migrant workers are criticized for their utilization rather than human rights, and human rights protection is insufficient. To this context, this paper analyzed the 19th presidential election pledge of the four political parties (Democratic Party, the Liberty Korea Party, Bareun Party and Justice Party) the majority of the Korean National Assembly, and predicted how the policies of migrant workers would evolve. The study found that there were two political parties that did not mention policies for migrant workers, and the remaining two parties also maintained their current policies. This is probably the biggest reason to recognize migrant workers as temporary residents. However, they should also be aware of the fact, that migrant workers are the members of the Korean society and are the owners of human rights that should be guaranteed, and should consider the policy directions to live with them.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.17 no.7
• /
• pp.592-599
• /
• 2017

The possibility of establishing the committee was increased because of the pledge of the President Moon Jaein for the national education committee. Thus, the purpose of this study was to discuss about its necessity and the meaning of legislation. The study method was to analyze existing studies (concept establishment, overseas cases, and legal research), media materials, and internet materials. It also suggested positive and negative functions in establishing the national education committee. Its positive functions are; first, stability of policy, second, political neutrality, third, seeking the nature of education, and fourth, improvement of possibility. Negative functions are; first, establishing the committee could be poison, second, argument in position and role, third, issue of agreement, and fourth, populism policy oriented.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
• /
• v.18 no.1
• /
• pp.219-234
• /
• 2019

Fake news threaten democratic elections and causes social conflicts, resulting in major damage. However, the concept of fake news is hard to define, as there is a saying, "News is not fake, fake is not news." Fake news, however, has irreversible characteristics that can not be recovered or reversed completely through post-punishment of economic and political benefits. It is also rapidly spreading in the early days. Therefore, it is very important to preemptively detect these types of articles and prevent their blind proliferation. The existing countermeasures are focused on reporting fake news, raising the level of punishment, and the media & academia to determine the authenticity of the news. Researchers are also trying to determine the authenticity by analyzing its contents. Apart from the contents of fake news, determining the behavioral characteristics of the promoters and its qualities can help identify the possibility of having fake news in advance. The online community has a fake news interception and response tradition through its long-standing community-based activities. As a result, I attempted to model the fake news by analyzing the affirmation-denial analysis and posting behavior by securing the web board crawl of the 'M community' bulletin board during the 2017 Korean presidential election period. Random forest algorithm deemed significant. The results of this research will help counteract fake news and focus on preemptive blocking through behavioral analysis rather than post-judgment after semantic analysis.

• Health Policy and Management
• /
• v.32 no.3
• /
• pp.247-257
• /
• 2022

The presidential election and the inauguration of the new government are a period of the policy window opening. The newly launched government is expected to improve the quality of life of the people. The Yoon Suk-yeol Government is also launched with new expectations with a transitional period in health care. The sustainability of health care in Korea is threatened. The environment of health care and the main policy issues of health care are difficult to secure the necessary finance for health care in spite of the increasing health care burden. Accordingly, the Yoon Suk-yeol Government's health care policy aims to provide intensive support to those in need of health and welfare and to improve the health of the people through investment in health. And for integrating fragmented health care and welfare services and creating people-centered community-based health care, a health care innovation center will be established for the evaluation platform of new delivery and payment systems, a health care development plan will be established for the blueprint of health care, and reorganizing the central & local government should be reviewed. Although we are facing unfavorable situations such as the distribution of the National Assembly, inflation, and the possibility of economic recession, we expect that announced health care policies will be implemented, recognizing that health care innovation is the only way to improve health care sustainability.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.6 no.2
• /
• pp.79-115
• /
• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.135-170
• /
• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.