• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.125-147
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• 2020

On the World Refugee Day in 2017, Yao Chen, a Chinese actress, philanthropist, and social media influencer, posted messages in her Weibo in support of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Yet, social media users quickly interpreted this supportive message of the refugee program as encouraging people to "accept and receive refugees" (jieshou nanmin) into China. Particularly, the category of Middle Eastern refugees elicited most criticism in China's cyberspace. As the inclusion of refugees is an integral part of immigrant multiculturalism, this article examines the limits of multicultural imagination of refugees―particularly those from the Middle Eastern and North Africa―in contemporary China. I argue that the limits of multicultural imagination in contemporary China is profoundly shaped by an intricate interweaving of domestic policies and global imaginaries toward refugees. By deploying a mixed methodology, such limits are examined from legal-institutional, ideological, and sociocultural perspectives. More specifically, three interrelated aspects will be highlighted in the article: (1) the global circulation of right-wing populism imaginaries, and their entanglements with the anti-Muslim sentiments in contemporary China; (2) the current insufficiency of the legal-institutional framework regarding refugees and asylum-seekers, which needs to be contextualized in China's modern history of dealing with refugee issues; (3) population politics, the rise of Han-centric nationalism, and their constraining impact on the interpretation of historical events related to cultural diversity. In conclusion, this article also offers potential implications for further examining the different yet potentially intersected genealogies of multicultural imaginaries beyond the Middle Eastern and North African refugees in Asia.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.148-168
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• 2020

In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.27-59
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• 2001

The population enumeration data from the decennial U.S. census are used in the apportionment of the U.S. House of Representatives and federal revenue sharing. The primary purpose of this study is to examine the various issues about the U.S. Census 2000. More specifically, this paper analyzes the sociopolitical implications of the racial and ethnic variations in net undercount rate in the census. In addition, we investigate the politics of race and ethnicity centering the census questions on race and use of sampling for adjustment of the enumeration data.

• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-59
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• 2001

The population enumeration data from the decennial U.S. census are used in the apportionment of the U.S. House of Representatives and federal revenue sharing. The primary purpose of this study is to examine the various issues about the U.S. Census 2000. More specifically, this paper analyzes the sociopolitical implications of the racial and ethnic variations in net undercount rate in the census. In addition. we investigate the politics of race and ethnicity centering the census questions on race and use of sampling for adjustment of the enumeration data.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Journal of environmental and Sanitary engineering
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.69-82
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• 1992

Air pollution in urban areas of Korea is considered in significantly serious level because of population exceeding the capacity and diversified facilities for the activities in socioeconomic field, education, politics and even cultural society in confined areas. Korea is one of the most populated countries and the largest five cities occupy 2.4% of total area but 45% of total population. Patterns of urban air pollution are also changing due to the change of emission sources and fuel usage. Essential recovery of urban environment in Korea has become extremely difficult and necessitates enormous investment. Accurate understanding of problems should be pursued for the efficient and effective improvement of the environment. In this article, air pollution phenomena in urban areas are analyzed mainly with respect to recent urban air pollution trend and pollution sources and possible control strategies are discussed : 1) source control-stationary and mobile, 2) air quality management strategies, 3) research and development.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.229-269
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• 2024

This research aims to comprehend the progress of Halal tourism in specific Indonesian regions, including Aceh, West Sumatra, Riau, and Riau Islands. It investigates ways to boost this progress through collaboration within the IMT-GT. Majority of the population in these areas, as in Malaysia and Southern Thailand, is Muslim. Consequently, developing Halal Tourism within the IMT-GT framework poses a challenge for them. While the IMT-GT framework already encompasses the Tourism and Halal Product sectors, it doesn't explicitly mention Halal Tourism aspect. Despite this, efforts to develop Halal Tourism in Indonesia offer opportunities for both domestic growth and taking advantage of proximity to two more advanced neighboring countries, Malaysia and Thailand, in this aspect. This research employs explanatory analysis, examining Indonesia's opportunities and approaches to developing the Halal Tourism sector, both domestically, designed by the Halal Tourism Development Strategic Plan 2021-2024, and within the IMT-GT framework itself. A new aspect of this study involves assessing the readiness within Indonesia and its correlation with the opportunities provided by the IMT-GT. Indonesia should actively embrace opportunities presented by its two neighboring countries. The recognition through various awards that Indonesia has received can strongly motivate efforts to enhance the preparedness of regions designated for Halal Tourism. The economic corridors established by the IMT-GT among these three countries can serve as a conduit for Indonesia's advancement in developing Halal Tourism.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.33-50
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• 2002

This study examines cross-national patterns of asymmetry of marriage tables with respect to educational level and tries to measure the degree of gender inequality across nations. A Primary assumption of the study is that gender inequality inhibits symmetric marriage between men and women. As men and women differ more in status, the rate of symmetric marriage between them declines thus producing asymmetric marriage with respect to social status. More specifically, the main object of the study is to develop statistical models and index with which to assess the patterns and degree of asymmetric marriage. Additionally, it is intended to assess the appropriateness of several theoretical perspectives for explaining these variations identified by the statistical models. Two most important such perspectives are industrialism and theory of politics and culture. To answer these questions, this study relies on twenty-seven marriage tables with respect to educational level, some from published tables, and some extracted from other sources. The main findings of the study are: (1) compared to less industrialized countries, more industrialized countries have lower degrees of asymmetric marriage(gender inequality) with respect to educational level, and (2) other things being equal, differences in politics and culture seem to have the some impact on marriage pattern; for instance, social democracy and state socialism reduce the degree of asymmetric marriage while the high emphasis on gender-based hierarchy in Asian countries seems to increase it In short, these results suggest a weaker or modified version of industrialists That is, while with economic growth most nations show a decline in the degrees of asymmetric marriage with respect to social status, for some nations the degrees of asymmetric marriage are affected by their specific politics or cultures.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.361-389
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• 2017

This essay examines 'precarity politics' by Judith Butler, a well-known gender theorist and queer philosopher, in Notes Towards a Performative Theory of Assembly (2015) focused on concepts as unchosen cohabitation of Hannah Arendt and unwilled proximity of Emmanuel Levinas. Butler's precarity politics is the condition of our dispossessed political beings with fundamental vulnerability and interdependency that cannot choose with whom we will live on this Earth. Butler's political ethics is twofold: on one hand, she examines significance of 'action'' the most significant vita activa in the public area, and 'plurality'' the condition-not only the necessary condition but the possible condition-for a political life suggested by Hannah Arendt in Human Condition; on the other hand, Butler reflects upon global precarity based on a diasporic precarious life in the social world towards freedom and equality. Unchosen cohabitation of plural humans on Earth, and global pervasion of precarity, that indicates "politically induced condition in which certain populations suffer from failing social and economic networks of support and become differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death," so called "differential distribution of precariousness," are practical possibilities of ethical and equal cohabitation of different ethnic groups in the social world. Ethical obligations or ethical demand to respond to others' suffering in distance and proximity originated from precarity politics, mentioned in Precarious Life, Parting Ways, and Frames of War, could be non-foundational joint of plural people living together globally. We should presume the 'reversibility' of distance and proximity in others' suffering, based on responsiveness and responsibility of others, if we want to stay attuned to the pain of others we never chose to live together. That is the significance of Butler's 'precarity politics' with 'ethical obligation' to accept 'unchosen plurality' of living population on Earth, and 'reversibility between of distance and proximity,' in her 'new plural and embodied body politics' or 'new corporeal ontology', through human primary vulnerability, fundamental interdependency, being exposed and responsive to suffering of others.