• Health Policy and Management
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.312-327
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• 2021

Background: Infection prevention and control (IPC) to manage healthcare-associated infection (HCAI) has emerged as one of the most significant public health issues in Korea. The purpose of this study is to draw implications in IPC policies by analyzing the context, process, and major actors in policy development and comparatively analyzing IPC policy contents of Korea with three other countries. Additionally, IPC policies were analyzed in the context of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) to provide implications for future pandemics and HCAI events. Methods: This study incorporates a qualitative approach based on document and content analysis, applying codes and thematic categorization. IPC policy contents are comparatively analyzed by adopting the concept model, developed by the World Health Organization, which consists of core components of IPC structure at the national and facility level. Results: National IPC policies were developed within a complex social and political context, through the involvement of various stakeholders. IPC policies in Korea place a high emphasis on establishing IPC programs and built environments in healthcare facilities, whereas there were potentials for improvement in policies involving patients and promoting a safety culture. IPC policies, which currently focus on general hospitals and certain functions of hospitals, should further be expanded to target all healthcare facilities and functions, to ensure more efficient and sustainable IPC responses in the current and future disease outbreaks. Conclusion: IPC is a complex policy arena and lessons learned from the analysis of existing policies in the context of COVID-19 should provide valuable strategic implications for future policies.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.181-215
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• 2013

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of Islamic change in Indonesia since the 1970s, which is commonly called 'Islamic resurgence' or 'Islamization.' A brief analysis of the reasons for Islamic resurgence is followed by discussions on its long-term effects on the life of Indonesian Muslims. Shift in the ways Islamic matters have been treated in public, gradual realization of what Islamic groups have demanded in non-religious areas, stipulation of local regulation based on shariah and spread of radicalism are to be investigated one by one. With these examinations, it will be argued that the most significant change throughout the last four decades has been the surge of Islam as a reference point to interpret everyday life of Muslims. The dichotomy of 'Islamic' and 'non-Islamic' is instated as a key in Islamic discourse and the Quran and Hadith, as a criterion to judge whether certain views and behavior are Islamic or not. These have strengthened the position of scripturalism in Indonesian Islam. Islamic resurgence has also resulted in the acceleration of the diversification of Indonesian Muslims. Muslims with radical, fundamental, reformist, traditional and liberal views coexist, competing for stronger social and religious influences. As radical and fundamental groups have been more active in dealing with socio-political affairs recently, whether their active involvement will result in wider influences over the ordinary Muslims is the key to understand the future dynamics of Indonesian Islam.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.175-203
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• 2024

With the enactment of international free trade and economic agreements and cooperation, BIMP-EAGA is an opportunity to accelerate development and economic growth in eastern Indonesia. This subregional cooperation could be used to reduce the development gap or inequality between the western and eastern regions, which are geographically, demographically, and economically different. This cooperation also may accelerate development in the border area. This study analyzes Indonesia's policies related to connectivity in BIMP-EAGA subregional cooperation and its implementation. The study results show that the National Secretariat of Sub-Regional Economic Cooperation has encouraged cooperation clusters ranging from natural resources, transportation, infrastructure, ICT, and tourism to MSMEs. In terms of connectivity, Indonesia is also involved in the development program of three economic corridors, namely West Borneo, East Borneo, and Sulu-Sulawesi. Indonesia's involvement in the three corridors has boosted the connectivity of Indonesia's territory, especially border areas, with neighboring countries. Connectivity has covered not only physical but also institutional and people-to-people dimensions. However, there are still several challenges, ranging from the standardization of the Customs, Immigration, and Quarantine (CIQ) mechanisms, improvement of institutional quality, and consistent strong political will among the involved parties. In addition, considering the vulnerability of the BIMP subregion to transnational crimes and acts of radical terrorism, BIMP-EAGA needs to think about solutions to overcome these cross-border security problems so that the momentum of development in the subregion may be sustained.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.63-90
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• 2019

In pluralistic political realities that have been exposed as antagonistic relationships between self and others, the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' in Daesoon Thought emphasizes the complementarity between self and others and presents us with a new form of cognition and attitude which can overcome pluralistic political realities. Though solipsism that objectificates others on the basis of the self, the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' presents us a new form of cognition and attitude with which we can approach others. The principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' is based on the logic that we can secure and extend ourselves only in relation between self and others. Self is not fully formed or perfected without others. Previous discussions on the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' as it is exists within Daesoon Thought have been limited to Eastern Philosophy. On one hand, this inclination may be due to a narrow understanding of Western Philosophy. The flow of Modern Western Philosophy can at times be a self-reflective output for solipsism. On the other hand, the understanding of the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum in context of a dualistic contrast between Eastern Philosophy and Western Philosophy is not concordant with the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' which emphasizes the creation of harmony between self and others. This paper aims to investigate avenues to create harmony between Eastern Philosophy and Western Philosophy regarding the principle of 'Coincidentia Oppositorum' in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, attention will be paid to 'flesh' as used by Merleau-Ponty. In his writings, flesh is the matrix which activates the fundamental involvement between self and others. Self is a being of flesh and an ambiguous being which is formed in a double position (seeing and being seen). Flesh can secure and extend the self only through its relationship to an other or multiple others. Restoring the other that has been excluded from modern Western Philosophy, Merleau-Ponty's flesh call for contemplation into the meaning of the other and of otherness.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.375-383
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• 2013

The aim of this study is to explore fathers' own expectations and experiences of fatherhood along with their views of what it meant to be a 'good' father. Qualitative methodologies were used; semi-structured in-depth interviews with 10 dual-earner fathers with young children. Interviewees overwhelmingly welcomed the opportunities offered to them by the new fatherhood model and supported a perceived cultural shift towards men and fathers being involved in, rather than detached from, family life. However tension and difficulty in living the ideal were also reported: gaps between perceptions and behaviors; struggle for traditional breadwinning role and caring; conflicts between selflessness and career and uninvolved in family decisions. Political and practical considerations are discussed, and the implications of this study for future research are identified.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.71-103
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• 2013

This paper explores the key figure of minjung misul ("the people's art"), Kim Bongjun, and the art collective Dureong in the relationship between 'dialogue' and the dissidents' structural critique of Korea's modernities. During the 1980s' prodemocracy movement, the minjung artists and other dissident intellectuals used the notion of dialogue as metaphor for and allegory of democracy to articulate not only Koreans' experience of modern history, which they saw as "alienating" and "inhumane," but also the discrepancies between Koreans' predicaments and their political aspirations and their working toward the fulfillment of those ideals. Envisioning alternative forms of modernities, Kim Bongjun and other Dureong members paid attention to the fundamental elements of art, which consist of art as a modern institution, as well as the everyday lives of people as the very site of Koreans' modernities. They endeavored to create "art of life," which presumes its being part of people's lives, based on the cultural and spiritual traditions of the agrarian community. They also participated in the national culture movement, the minjung church, and the alternative-life movement to radically envision everyday lives through the indigenous reinterpretation of democratic values. Despite the significant role played by the church mission and its community involvement, its effects on minjung misul have received little attention in the relevant studies. Thus, I consider in particular the minjung church's and the alternative-life movement's confluence of multiple cultural and social constituencies in relation to Kim and the Dureong collective's vision of a new art and community.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.7
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• pp.378-393
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper was to analyze a social discourse on the construction of a domed stadium produced in the media. In particular, the article sought to explore and interpret the political, economical, social and cultural contexts of the building of a domed stadium by looking at how media sources with newspapers as the central source of information have produced and formed social discourses regarding the construction of a domed stadium. In a concluding perspective it was confirmed that the three aspects of social discourses have been produced and formed. First, a 'approval' discourse supporting the building of a domed stadium has been produced and formed. Second, a 'opposite' discourse criticizing it has been produced and formed. Third, in the confrontation between the approval and opposition of the building of a domed stadium, a 'governance' discourse, which the construction of a domed stadium should be solved rationally through the communication and involvement of the private and governmental sectors, has been produced.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.467-496
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• 2012

Public participation in the decision making for scarce health resources is important because health policy requires trust based consensus, which can be achieved by public's understanding and involvement of related policies. In the past, opportunities for interaction between health policy decision makers and lay public were rare in Korea. As political impulses towards public participation in health policy have increased, a few of deliberation methods were attempted. However, there is little research, reporting such cases with a critical examination of relevant theories and previous studies. We first critically review the literature on public participation within theories of democracy, governance, and empowerment. Next, we report a case of a citizen council experiment, which was held to examine public's preferences among different benefit options regarding new drugs and medical technologies. Specifically, in an one-day long citizen council with a total of 28 lay public, twelve questions of whether a drug or a technology should be included in the benefit package of health insurance were asked. Pre- and post-surveys investigated participants' perception of public engagement in health policy. Although it was experimental, the citizen council ensured that lay public could be careful enough to rationally compare the costs and benefits of different options and collectively make decisions. Further, results from pre- and post-survey showed a strong willingness of members to be involved in health care decision making. In the conclusion, we emphasize that better theories and methods need to be developed for more cases of citizen participation in health care policy and management.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.543-564
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• 2011

In the process of managing organization, the strategic decision-making and corporate performance are not independent, but they are interdependent each other. In most Korean firms, decision-making power and authority are concentrated on the higher echelons of managerial hierarchies. Examining big five trading conglomerates in Korea, this present paper investigates the relationship between strategic decision-making and a corporate performance. Although a number of review studies on Korean management have been developed over the years, there have been less works designed with decision making in mind. In order to achieve research objectives, this paper predicted some hypotheses, and the major findings include: 1) the influence of Korea's long-standing Confucian tradition and culture dominated across organizations, there have not been significant changes in decision-making process within big five trading firms; 2) top executives' excessive involvement in decision-making process does not hinder corporate performance. This result implies that the decision power is still tended to be centralized in the hands of the top management. 3) However, the power of Board of Directors in decision-making has become increasingly important; and 4) decision makers do not tend to misuse or abuse their political position and power for their own interests.