• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.33-56
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• 2006

'문화 전쟁(Culture Wars)'은 1980년대 말부터 1990년대 초 미국에서 보수주의자와 진보주의자 사이에 벌어진 문화적 논쟁을 일컫는다. 이 용어는 제임스 헌터(James Hunter)의 책 "문화 전쟁: 미국을 정의하려는 노력(Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America)"의 출간으로 대중화되었고, 당시 공화당 대통령 후보였던 패트릭 부캐넌(Patrick Buchanan)에 의해 급부상하게 된다. 그는 "이 나라에는 지금 종교 전쟁, 즉 냉전만큼 중요한 '문화 전쟁'이 일어나고 있고, 이것은 미국의 영혼을 위한 전쟁이다." 라고 부르짖으며 급변하는 문화 정체성의 위기 속에서 미국적인 전통을 지키고자 하였다. 이 문화 전쟁은 여러 다양한 논쟁을 함의하고 있었는데, 교목제도의 폐지, 교육기관에서의 다문화주의(multiculturalism) 커리큘럼 도입, 동성애자의 군복무, 낙태, 총기 소지 등의 허용 문제로 당시 미국의 교육계, 문화계뿐만 아니라 정치계, 입법부에서도 첨예한 대립 구도를 형성하였다. 미술계에서 가장 치열했던 문화 전쟁은 안드레 세라노(Andres Serrano)의 작품전과 ${\ll}$로버트 메플소프: 완벽한 순간(Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment)전${\gg}$이 공공기금인 국립예술진흥기금(National Endowments for the Arts, NEA)의 지원을 받아 개최되는 것이 타당한 것이냐에 대한 논쟁에서 표출되었다. 이 두 전시를 기점으로 그 뒤로도 여러 미술 전시회와 음악회, 연극 등을 둘러싼 NEA 기금 지원과 관련한 분쟁은 한동안 계속된다. 이 글은 이러한 미술계 문화 전쟁의 발전 과정과 몇몇 논점에 초점을 맞추되, 세라노나 메플소프의 작품 자체를 분석하고 비평하는 글이 아님을 밝혀 둔다. 본 연구는 분쟁의 전개에 대한 상세한 기술적, 연대기적 조사보다는 그 발단과 전개 과정에서 몇 가지 핵심적인 사항들을 기술하고, 이 사항들이 암시하는 정치적, 미학적, 미술사적 시각의 충돌에 대해 지적하는 글이 될 것이다. 더 나아가 당시 이러한 논쟁이 미국 미술계에 의미하던 것, 미국 문화 전체에 의미하던 것은 과연 무엇인가에 대한 비평적 질문으로 글을 맺고자 한다.

• 인문언어
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.223-265
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• 2002

In United States black mothers have consistently been treated as national outsiders, as women whose children, although ostensibly entitled to full citizenship, are in practice rarely provided with equal protection within the nation′s borders or under its laws. From the time he began writing in the aftermath of the failures of national Reconstruction, the African American public intellectual and political activist W. E. B. Du Bois realized that a truly effective anti-racist politics would also have to contend with the particular ways in which U.S. racism targeted black mothers. In short, he understood that an effective anti-racism would necessarily have to be a form of anti-sexism. This article examines the myriad ways in which Du Bois attempted to reconstruct the relationship between race and reproduction in the interest of producing anti-racist, anti-nationalist, as well as internationalist thinking. In so doing it treats the various representations of black maternity and child birth that Du Bois created, and elaborates on the rhetorical and political function of these representations in combating the racialization of national belonging on the one hand, and in articulating universal black citizenship, or what this article theorizes as racial globality on the other. The article begins by considering Du Bois′s attempts to transcend ideas about the racialized reproductive body as a source of national belonging within the United States, particularly his efforts to contest the idea of the reconstructing nation as a white nation reproduced exclusively by white women. Through analysis of Du Bois′s depiction of the birth and death of his son in his monumental work The Souls of Black Folk (1903) it demonstrates his reluctance to build an anti-racist politics founded on the idea that belonging within the nation is something that can be bestowed by one′s mother. The article proceeds by turning to Du Bois less well-known romantic novel, Dark Princess (1928) in which, by contrast, he depicts the birth of a "golden chi1d" who belongs not only within the United States, but within the world. This child, the son of an African American man and an Indian Princess, is cast as a messenger and messiah of a utopian alliance between pan-Asia and pan-Africa. In exploring the relationship between these two reproductive portraits, the article moves from a discussion of Du Bois′s critique of the ideological construction of the U.S. as a white nation reproduced by white progenitors, to an examination the literary figuration of a b1aek mother out of whose womb a black diasporic anti-imperialist alliance springs. In contrast to previous scholarship, which has tended to focus on the critique of U.S. racial nationalism that Du Bois expressed in his early work, or on the internationalism that he later embraced, this article pays close attention to how Du Bois′s anti-nationalist and internationalist politics together subtended by subtle, but constitutive, sexual politics.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

본 논문은 교육현장에 참여민주주의를 구현하고자 주민직선의 교육감 선출제도를 도입한 후의 부작용 해소방법인 매니페스토 실현방안을 연구했다. 국가의 정체성수호에 중요한 역할을 하는 교육감선거가 정치논리나 이념, 파벌적 이익에 침해될 때는 정책의 독립성 훼손 등의 교육적 위기를 초래한다. 지방교육자치제는 도덕성을 바탕으로 교육의 자주성과 중립성을 확보하고, 교육행정의 민주화와 지방분권화를 보장하기 위한 제도적 장치이다. 교육감선거 혼탁양상의 해결방안은 선거를 정책선거로 이끌어가는 것이다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 부작용을 해소하기 위한 교육감선거의 매니페스토 운동의 실현방안을 제기한다. 모든 정치적 주체들과 후보자들에게 매니페스토 작성을 위한 다양한 정보에 대한 자유로운 접근이 가능해야 하며, 매니페스토 자체에 대한 신뢰성의 제고 즉 중립성, 전문성, 객관성, 공정성 등이 담보되어야 한다. 특히 시민들의 교육자치의 인식전환을 통한 매니페스토 운동의 중심으로 끌어들이느냐의 여부가 핵심과제임을 알 수 있다.

• 융합정보논문지
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.235-242
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• 2018

최근 각 언론, 기업계, 정부 유관기관 및 학계 등 많은 분야에서 4차 산업에 대한 관심이 폭발적으로 증가하였다. 특히 우리가 피부로 느낄 수 있는 분야인 인공지능이 인간능력을 이미 크게 앞서고 있다는 것을 깨닫고 나서 많은 사람들은 4차산업혁명이 실제로 우리 코 앞에 와있다는 것을 실감할 수 있었다. 이렇게 대부분 사람들의 생각보다 빠르게 다가온 4차산업을 어떻게 효율적으로 대응해야 할까? 특히 최근의 인공지능, 빅데이터, 무인자동차 및 유전자가위 등에 대한 상반된 견해들을 비교분석하는 방식으로 연구를 진행해 본다. 이러한 분석과 연구를 통하여 교육적, 정치적, 사회적, 윤리적 그리고 과학적 영향들을 파악해 본 결과, 현재까지 뚜렷하게 정립되어 있는 개념이나 체계, 시스템이 존재하지 않는다는 것을 이해할 수 있었고 오히려 4차산업혁명의 개념, 체계를 앞서서 정의하고 정립하는 국가나 기업, 개인들이 산업의 주도권을 확보할 수 있다는 것을 알게 되었다. 그러나 한국사회와 대학은 오히려 현재 2차산업혁명의 체계와 문화에서 머물러있는 듯한 모습을 보이고 있는데, 이러한 현실인식 위에서 새로운 산업혁명의 트렌드를 맞추어 따라갈 수 있는 방안들을 찾아 보고자 한다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제16권
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• 기술혁신연구
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.53-74
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• 2010

21세기 지식기반사회에서 기술 발전 속도는 가속화되고 있으며 조직 목표를 달성하는데 영향을 줄 수 있는 시장, 거버넌스 및 사회적 가치의 미래 모습에 대한 불확실성이 증대하고 있다. 이러한 기술과 사회 발전의 가속화 및 증가하는 불확실성에 대응하기 위해서 다양한 미래사회 전망을 바탕으로 미래유망기술을 도출하는 기술예측의 필요성은 더욱 중요해지고 있다. 기술예측에는 다양한 예측 방법론이 이용 가능하나 예측의 목적 및 재원 등에 따라 선택되어야 한다. 델파이 방법이 오랫동안 주로 사용되어 왔지만 최근에는 시나리오 또한 많이 활용되고 있다. 시나리오는 사회, 경제 및 정치 등의 환경요인의 복잡성과 불확실성을 폭넓게 고려할 수 있으며 미래의 다양한 모습을 이야기 식으로 전달하기 때문에 매우 효과적인 전략적 도구로 활용된다. 전 세계적으로 진행되고 있는 기후변화, 화석연료의 고갈 등으로 세계 각국은 신재생에너지에 대한 높은 관심을 갖고 기술개발 및 보급 등을 적극적으로 추진하고 있다. 하지만 신재생에너지 분야의 가용잠재량은 지역적으로 큰 편차가 있으며 기술적 진보, 환경규제 및 화석연료의 가격전개와 밀접하게 연관되어 있어 그 발전추이를 예측하기 어려운 면이 있다. 이에 본 연구는 이러한 불확실성을 반영하여 신재생에너지 분야에 대한 다양한 미래 시나리오를 작성하고 시사점을 도출하였다. 향후 본 연구의 시나리오 기반의 예측 프로세스를 국가과학 기술예측에 활용함으로써, 기존의 델파이 위주의 단정적 예측의 단점을 보완한 전략적 예측을 강화할 수 있을 것으로 전망된다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제29권
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• pp.43-71
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• 2005

연구는 정치, 선거 저널리즘의 새로운 현상으로 주목받고 있는 가차 저널리즘의 발생 원인을 탐구, 분석하고자 했다. 가차 저널리즘(gotcha journalism)이란 정치인의 실수나 해프닝을 꼬투리삼아 집중적으로 반복, 기사화하는 보도행태를 뜻한다. 연구를 위해 서울소재 일간지 정치부기자(6명), 방송 3사 정치부기자(3명) 등 모두 9명을 분석 대상으로 골라 심층인터뷰를 통해 자료를 수집했다. 분석 결과, 가차저널리즘이 나타나는 언론외적 요인(extra-media level)으로는 뉴스 소비자 요인, 언론내적으로는 취재기자 요인(individual level), 언론사(organizational level) 요인 등 크게 세 가지 요인이 주로 작용하는 것으로 나타났다. 즉, 1) 흥미 있는 기사를 원하는 뉴스 소비자들의 요구와 한국인의 정치과잉 의식, 2) 취재기자의 특정 인물에 대한 개인적인 선호도와 기사 제작 메커니즘 등, 3) 구독/시청률, 나아가 광고수익을 의식한 언론사의 암묵적인 지원과 특정 언론사의 특정 정치 집단에 대한 거부감 등이다. 특히 소속 언론사의 정치, 이념적 성향이 특정 정치인에 대한 가차 저널리즘적인 보도행태와 상관관계가 있는 것으로 분석됐다. 이와 함께 뉴스 소비자 중심의 편집정책(customer-driven news production) 이 가차 저널리즘적인 보도행태의 생산에 일정 부분 작용하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권4호
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• pp.83-118
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• 2006

This study is to develop digital leadership in a field of national defense. Today, korean society is facing the crisis of national security. But national defense leadership is not show in the circumstance of national security crisis. As you know, national defense leadership is a process that make use of influence. Which means it converges people's interest and demands well and also show people the right vision of national defense and make them to comply the policy about national security. Because of the environmental change, our national defense leadership is having a new turning point. First, international order, which is under post-cold war, raises possibility of guarantee of peace and security in international society but also, cause the increase of multiple uncertainty and small size troubles in security circumstance. In addition, Korean society is rushing into democratization and localization period by success in peaceful change of political power went through about three times. The issue of political neutralization of military is stepping into settlement but still, negative inheritance of old military regime is worrying about it. In this situation, we can't expect rise in estimation about the importance of security and military's reason for being. So, military have to give their concern to not only internal maintenance of order and control and growth of soldiers but also developing external leadership to strength influence to society and military's the reason for being. So for these alternative I'm suggesting a digital leadership of national defense which fits digital era. This digital leadership is the leadership which can accept and understand digital technology and lead the digital organization. To construct digital national defense we need a practical leadership. The leadership has to be digital leadership with digital competence that can direct vision of digital national defense and carry out the policy. A leader who ha s digital leadership can lead the digital society. The ultimate key to construct digital government, digital corporate and digital citizen depends on digital leader with digital mind. To be more specific, digital leadership has network leadership, next generation leadership, knowledge driven management leadership, innovation oriented leadership. A leader with this kind of leadership is the real person with digital leadership. From now on, to rise this, we have to build up human resource development strategy and develop educational training program.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.1-48
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Untied Nations' efforts for peace on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. The Untied Nation tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the end of 1950. Once the CCF's entry into the war had been confirmed, the war situation moved to a new phase, and the UN forces, which had guided the war in an effort to destroy the NKP A forces, and to punish North Korea, had to set up new guidelines to cope with the new situation. Accordingly, in late November, 1950, the UN forces camp, mainly the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the United Nations Command, discussed various options, such as an expansion of the war up to the Chinese territory, a cease fire along the 38th Parallel, or a forced and inevitable evacuation. The Korean delegation to the UN insisted that "the unification of Korea should be achieved only by victory in the war. The Chinese intervention in the war is a Challenge to the UN in the same way as the North Korean invasion. The UN participation in the war was to repulse the invasion. With the same spirit we should drive back the Chinese Communists." The Korean delegation also emphasized to the friendly nations the political objective and will of unification, and that a cease fire at a threshold of unification might return us to the status quo ante bellum, and would be contrary to the Korean nation's desire. At that time, particularly, the US strongly considered the employment of nuclear weapons as one of the new strategies to cope with the Chinese invasion. The international effects of these casual remarks were realized almost at once. The British Prime Minister who had not wanted the expansion of war in the Far East, especially from the view point of the interest of NATO's security, visited Washington. so the conference had a very important meaning for the UN forces' new strategy. On the other hand, at the UN, on the 5th of December, the very day Truman and Attlee agreed to seek a cease-fire under UN auspices, a group of thirteen Asian and Arab states proposed to ask China and North Korea not to cross the 38th Parallel, and sounded out both sides about a cease fire along the 38th Parallel. The United States and the United Kingdom gave their assent, but China and North Korea gave no direct response. The CCF, who were securing the initiative of operation, were not agreeable with the proposal of the UN forces. The Untied Nation has tried to negotiate th peace plan between two sides from the December of 1950 and January of 1951. The Untied Nations' has achieved great results to negotiate for the peace plan on Korean peninsular after CCF's participation in Korean War. It's the results considering both the operation situation and political opinions.

• 영어영문학
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• 제54권2호
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• pp.301-322
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• 2008

Pauline Hopkins's Of One Blood; Or, the Hidden Self was published in the Colored American Magazine during 1902-03. As a literary experimentalist and a political protester, Hopkins uses her fiction as a medium to overcome and ameliorate the violently racialized surroundings of the turn-of-the-century America. Having been faced with racist rhetorics and theories growing on biological differences between races, Hopkins must have felt an overwhelming urgency to challenge the heritage of slavery in American history. In order to speak out her political agenda in such a milieu, she needed a new setting as well as new narrative materials for the new era. She had to move the setting from America to Africa, the ancient utopian Ethiopia; her interest in the ancient African civilization reflects both a popular African-American vision of Africa and the movement of "black nationalism" of the time. She also needed materials from nineteenthcentury sciences, the newly evolving theories of psychology and mysticism (spiritualism/mesmerism), to explore the meaning of "the hidden self" which unfolds the complex nature of Hopkin's position on race, "blood," and African-American racial subjectivity. Hopkins in the novel explores not the color line but the bloodline. Tracing the horrific legacy of incest in the history of slavery, she attempts to redefine the true racial identity of African-Americans in America and to reconstruct their past, both family and race history. At the very center of her major tropes in the novel-such as "of one blood," "the hidden self," and incest-exists female body. Black female body, though it represents the violent site of sexual body (rape and incest) in slavery, ultimately becomes a vehicle to convey and preserve the truth of racial memory/past/history for African-Americans. As a conveyor of the past, black women not just connect the past and the present but also reawaken AfricanAmericans with the legacy of the African 'pure' bloodline. Hopkins's vision here necessitates the reevaluation of black women's role in family and history, heralding the 20th-century black feminine writing. With the major tropes, Hopkins clearly suggests that the blood of (African-)Americans is unrecognizably intermixed. Although the novel ends with ambivalence and without resolution on what Africa signifies, those tropes certainly offer her a vehicle for criticizing as well as for challenging the racial reality of America.