Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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v.34
no.2
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pp.65-77
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2018
The purpose of this study is to compare and analyze factors in country risk between Cambodia and Vietnam. OECD and the Export-Import Ban of Korea assess country risk of Cambodia more highly than Vietnam. As results of the parametric tests for evaluation factors on the basis of country risk classification, the economic growth rate, the foreign trade index, and the foreign exchange reserves among the economic risks with the corruption index as the political and social risk have statistically significant effect on the difference between country risks of two countries. However, discriminant factor analysis indicates that the economic growth rate, the foreign exchange reserves, and the corruption index are key variables, which represent the difference between country risks of Cambodia and Vietnam. Consequently, the government of Cambodia needs to try to root out the corruption and to expand trade through increasing export for lowering the country risk to the level of Vietnam. Vietnam would also need to focus on attaining the sustainable high economic growth rate and increasing the foreign exchange reserves.
The concept of a risk society, which was originally suggested by German sociologist Ulrich Beck, is insufficient to reveal how a certain risk materially and discursively unfolds on the ground and how its various dynamics are recognised by diverse actors because of the concept's spatial insensitivity. As an alternative approach, this paper introduces the concept of the riskscape, which was suggested by German geographer Detlef $M{\ddot{u}}ller$-Mahn, and analyses this concept in the context of the East Asian developmental state. It is meaningful that the East Asian developmental state thesis has strongly promoted the role of the state in stimulating national economic development in underdeveloped countries. However, it should also be noted that an active state role in encouraging modernisation and economic growth within a very short time produces consequences of what Beck calls 'manufactured risks', such as nuclear power plants. Therefore, it is essential to analyse the state in comprehending modernisation and the risk society in East Asia. More specifically, using the case of the location policy for nuclear power facilities, this article reveals how dominant social forces acting in and through the state constructed a national riskscape that minimises the gravity of local risks while prioritising the economic value of the national economy over local risks to produce rapid modernisation. Additionally, it is argued that a dominant national riskscape may become weak from competing with different riskscapes that are constructed based on contingency factors (e.g., political democratisation or a natural disaster). Based on these analyses, the article emphasises that interdisciplinary research using the concept of the riskscape is required to better explain the risks in East Asia.
While the Chinese banks have started the impact of foreign banks. At the same time, rising pressure on foreign exchange reserves and appreciation of the renminbi has prompted Chinese banks to go abroad and diversify their risks. The financial crisis of 2008 has caused the continued turbulence of the major financial markets around the world, and the valuation of foreign financial institutions has been drastically shrinking, providing opportunities for Chinese banks to carry out overseas M&A. Based on the overseas M&A status of Chinese commercial banks, this paper sums up the characteristics of the overseas M&A. Then taking a series of overseas M&A conducted by ICBC from 2006 to 2011 as an example, it analyzes the relationship between M&A and performance growth using grey incidence model. The test shows: there is a positive correlation between both overseas M&A and interest rate differential with performance growth of ICBC, and overseas M&A transactions role in promoting the performance growth is significantly higher than the interest rate differential.
Differences in risk perception on major environmental issues between general public and environmental experts were investigated in this study. Questionnaire surveys were conducted to samples from general public and environmental experts during March and April, 2000. Total number of responses was 1,126 including 773 persons from general public and 353 experts. Risk perceptions on 26 environmental issues were related with the need to regulate each issue, controllability, experience, political views, interest in environmental problem, satisfaction of environment, severity of environmental pollution. There was statistically significant difference in risk perceptions between general public and experts. Overall, general public was likely to perceive risks associated with environmental problem, as well as social need to regulate these problems more than experts. The issues with high risk perception and need to regulate were 'automobile exhaust', 'industrial air pollution', ocean pollution by industrial waste and oil exhaust', 'air pollution by chemicals', 'surface water pollution by waste from household', 'industrial and hospital waste', 'surface water pollution by pesticide'and'sewage and food waste'. Consequently, it seems necessary to manage these issues, prior to others.
This study is a review on Risk analysis of foreign direct investments in innovative projects of Uzbekistan. The study will examine SWOT and PESTL analysis as an effective situation analysis tool which plays an important role in the fields of management, marketing, and in any fields of requiring strategic planning. SWOT is an analysis method used to evaluate the 'strengths', 'weaknesses', 'opportunities', 'threats' and PESTL is an analysis tool used for measuring the 'political', 'economical', 'social', 'technological' and 'low' risks involved in a various sphere of economy. In this study, firstly the essence of SWOT and PESTL analysis is explained, secondly the components of SWOT and PESTL analysis is examined. The paper includes risk analysis for further investigation to innovation sector of Uzbekistan economy.
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the risks of an over-concentration of supply chains in one country. It has motivated stakeholders to pursue diversification strategies. However, a paradox exists. Stakeholders have shied away from a complete decoupling and preferring to selectively enhance economic ties with China. This article explores this paradox by examining supply chain concentration in China as a form of asymmetric interdependence and the countermeasures from the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India to minimize vulnerabilities. It argues that while the COVID-19 disruptions have brought to light the risk of supply chain overconcentration in China, countermeasures are also driven by coercive diplomacy and the deepening U.S.-China rivalry. The paper also examines the feasibility of diversification efforts by focusing on the capacity and capabilities of alternative supply chain hubs. It finds that while states are actively seeking ways to prevent China from using asymmetric interdependence of supply chains and trade to gain political leverage, there are structural limits to the degree of diversification in the short to mid-term.
Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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2011.05a
/
pp.20-20
/
2011
The purpose of this research aims to evaluate the emergence of new business mode in the Chinese water market since the mid-2000s - Transfer-Operate-Transfer(TOT) Projects. The study pays special attention to the case of the Hefei Wangxiaoying Wastewater Treatment TOT Project, which was awarded to the consortium of Berlin Water International and its Chinese partner in late 2004. The consortium secured an exclusive operating right for 23 years on the basis of a TOT scheme and would take responsibility of all the profits and losses in the operation of the plant. The total investment for the transfer amounted to RMB 491 million(US$70 million). The price was more than 288% of the original value, RMB 170 million (US$24 million). The project can be regarded as a successful case because of the following three causes. First, the Hefei government followed a series of standardized procedures in the international bidding, which ignited best-performed international players' competition for the project. Second, the project will bring in cutting-edge operation skills and management know-how. Third, the government succeeded in raising public asset values, and thanks to this, the government is able to consider other similar projects not only in the water sector but also other sectors in public utility services. Nevertheless, Berlin Water's point of view, there are several challenges. First, the company took a risk to pay such a large amount of cash to the Hefei government. Although such premium can be recouped in the operation period of 23 years, whether or not the company would be able to recover the initial investment and realize profits is in question due to an uncertainty of socio-political circumstances in China. Second, Berlin Water should expect a steep rise of water tariffs over the contract period in order to get the investment back. Water pricing is still a sensible matter to Chinese authorities, and therefore, it is uncertain if such rise of water tariffs would be possible. Third, the TOT mode leads to creation of a large amount of cash to government officials, which might have caused corruption between those who are involved in TOT deals. Then, the final contract fee would soar, which often results in the burden of normal customers. As discussed, the TOT mode has drawn much attention of foreign investors as a new alternative to enter into the Chinese water market. But it is important to note that foreign investors should be aware of possible risks in water TOT projects, which reflects some features of the Chinese political economy landscape and social norms. The Hefei case indicates that benefits can overshadow risks in TOT projects, which will continue to attract foreign investors that are dedicated to establishing their strongholds in the Chinese water market.
China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.
This study explores the barrier factors of Chinese private-owned enterprises in overseas expansion in terms of corruption, political risk, market fluctuation, cultural difference, and firms resource endowments. To explore the existing practical backgrounds, it was investigated to private-owned enterprises dealing with foreign export companies where run business in Hohhot, Baotou and Ordos, Inner Mongolia, China. The result shows that the corruption and political risks of host countries do not have significant influence on business performance in 'Go global' strategy, while the market fluctuation of host countries has a negative effect on business performance. Cultural difference has a negative effect on business performance, and enterprises' resource endowments have a positive effect on business performance in 'Go global' strategy. Additionally, interviewees provide several substantial suggestions regarding the government policy and industry ecosystem to surmount the barriers of POEs' going global. Lastly, the authors discuss managerial implications and provide several suggestions for the future studies.
Purpose - Recent empirical studies have reached mixed results on the effects of financial liberalization and currency crises. We argue that this relationship is likely to depend both on whether controls are primarily on the degrees of financial liberalization and on the stability of the government. Using the disaggregated data on financial liberalization recently developed by Abiad et al (2010) for a sample of 30 emerging countries over the period 1995-2015, we attempt to investigate the political economy determinants of currency crises. Design/methodology - Our empirical model considers the relationship between financial liberalization and currency crises for emerging market economies. This study employs the existing theoretical framework to identify the disaggregate level for financial liberalization across countries. Using a multivariate logit model, this study attempts to estimate the interrelationship among financial liberalization, government stability and currency crises complemented by a case study of South Korea. Findings - Our main findings can be summarized as follows: we find strong support for the proposition that more liberalized financial institutions are positively associated with the probability of currency crises especially under less stable governments, but reduce the risks of currency crises especially for more stable governments. We also examine the role of financial systems with the case of South Korea after Asian financial crises and the results are further supported and consistent with the empirical findings. Originality/value - Existing studies focus on the economic factors across countries. This paper instead attempts to evaluate the effects of financial liberalization and currency crises by incorporating political considerations with newly developed dataset on financial liberalization, which are essential to the understanding of the causes of currency crises.
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