• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.1-13
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine the power images in the style of a leader: through the focus on the portrait of Henry VIII. Study methods on the literature concerning viewpoints of power and image in the early modern age and the subjects of power are being used for theoretical backgrounds; and the visual data from National Portrait Gallery, British Library and the internet are used for exploratory studies. The results of this study are as follows. First, from the style of Henry VIII who represented the image of political power, the modern political phenomenon can be defined. Such phenomenon which displays images of political leaders from the study indicate an effective strategy. Second, the religious, a diplomatic representation for the style of Henry VIII powers, such as costume style and somatic visual images, represents the dignity and power by delivering visible internal attributes. Thus, the role model recognized by the society and the public's perception of leadership style affects the acknowledgement and belief by the people.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.11
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• pp.56-64
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• 2006

It seems that there has been a tendency of faction film which reveals imagination of state/nation. As typical examples, & would show the relationship between some factional imagination and the project of blockbuster. In this regard, I've researched the tradition of cinematic representation of state/nation and some historical aspects which reveal the being of official films ruled by oppressive political intention. As a kind of discourse dealing with state/nation, & have specific strategy of representation. The analysis about that process might enable us to understand what is nationalism and what is the nature of ideological discourse consumed by faction-related products.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.25-53
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• 2012

The attitude of observer in the painting of history is to exclude a prejudice and a subjective view of an artist and to introduce a photograph, which is a record of objectivity, in the process of painting. Its ultimate intent is to redescribe the fact of an event's image intactly without any prejudice and to represent the event as a proven evidence that it was. The representation of history based on fact had already been conceived in imagination of renowned artists such as Francisco Goya or $Th{\acute{e}}odore$ $G{\acute{e}}ricault$ even before cameras were invented. What they portrayed was their own truth of reality which is gained through their observation, not a history that have corresponded to political ideologies, for all reliance on a limited tool of representation, painting. Furthermore, history was necessary for 19th century impressionism artists to be represented under proven fact in a neutral perspective excluding all subjective prejudice, not based on the representation with imagination. Edouard Manet in particular reconstited an instant moment on the basis of real proof of photograph without personal prejudice or opinion as if today's photojournalism. The catastrophic series by Andy Warhol and the photographic painting by Gerhard Richter show another role of painting in the realm of art, each of them implying information distortion and abuse by current media and intentional deformation toward history as Manet's painting of history. Today, the representation of an historical event that we experience in the era of the Internet and social networks having a great deal of information already came to be the exclusive property of the cutting edge mass media. Nevertheless, the attitude of observer which is realistic and contemplative in the realm of art is the crucial point in terms of artists' act as ever.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.87-121
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• 2021

Since 2012, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe'sadministration began to promote women's participation and advancement in the workplace and established the Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace (the Act) in 2015. Some criticize this Act as a way to utilize women for economic development and to deal with the shrinking working population. In contrast, others point out that it is a law that can be beneficial for women. As such, this Act serves as an interesting case of a women's policy promoted by a conservative government. This paper's objective is to shed light on if and how women are substantively represented in the Diet members' statements made during the legislative debate of the bill on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace between 2014 and 2015. This paper asks two research questions. First, based on the mixed evaluation of the Act made in the studies about the Abe administration's women's policies, this research asks if the Diet members speak of women as resources to use for other economic and social goals or if women are substantively represented. Second, drawing insights from the literature on women's substantive representation, this research asks how Diet members speak for women. Particularly, based on the studies on conservatism and substantive representation of women, this question seeks to determine if Diet members engage in the conservative representation of women, taking women's roles as mothers and wives who provide care for children, husbands, and elders at home for granted. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the number of statements that explicitly claimed to use women was small. Second, while some Diet members of conservative political parties engaged in the conservative representation of women, there were more instances of non-conservative representation, in which a variety of types of women were represented. These findings reveal that even when the conservative government's intention to submit the bill was to utilize women rather than acting for women, Diet members could speak for various types of women and engage in the non-conservative representation of women. The findings also imply the importance of paying attention to formal and informal legislative deliberation rules to figure out how women's substantive representation can occur under a conservative government and in a legislature dominated by conservative parties.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.185-190
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• 2019

Historically, the representation of the colonial period has responded closely to the policies and political conditions of the time. The Korean blockbuster , which links the genealogy of Manchuria Western, adopts a safe nationalism frame, upgrading the genre's narrative typology to colorful action and spectacle, including the Japanese army, the Liberation Army, the good and evil, and the confusion of identity. On the other hand, , which deals with the friendship of the poet and the warrior, treats the mental and internal struggles implied by the power of poetry, without resorting to familiar nationalism and heroism. is a thorough genre of rules. If the visual and sensual pleasures of imaginative resilience beyond the bounds of the law are provided within the Rules, inevitably seeks resistance within the colonial empire's legal system. Political, diplomatic, and economic conflicts between Japan and Korea, which have been continuing until recently, reaffirm the framework of nationalism on the screen.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.197-204
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• 2000

With the current of the end of a century and social, economic, political, and cultural turbulence, people take advantage of the various ways to express their stagnation. This study introduces the term representativity and it will explain the men's fashion of the end of a century. On a theoretical basis, the concept of the representativity, image, symbol and imitation which are used as a tool for expression will be examined, and together with this, inner representation and outer representation will be categorized. The inner representation of the men's fashion in the end of a century can be taken for the purpose of connecting the image of masculinity. The image of masculinity is widely spread owing to the mass communication of a consumption-oriented society, so its hard to define that image as one thing specific. Hence, in order to discuss the male gender and mens fashion, New Man phenomenon should be noticed of. 1980's New Man influence has lasted till now. New Man images were largely categorized into two images like New Lad and Iron John after the mid 1990's. Therefore, the image of masculinity is largely classified New lad, who desires success and pursues the hedonistic life style and Iron John, who enjoys thrill and follows economical life style. The image of masculinity has influence on the outer representation how it is imitated and symbolized via many designer's works and street fashion. Two masculinity images are dominant over the men's fashion of the end of a century. One is inhumane and rational corporate power look that stems from symbolization and imitation of New Lad. The other is outdoor casual that originated from the symbolization and imitation of Iron John.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.5-31
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• 2019

In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.441-458
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• 2009

The Imperial Road is Jean Rhys s unfinished manuscript, rejected by publishers for its openly racist tone. Although it describes Rhys s actual visit to Dominica in 1936, it is not a transparent recollection of the travel but a recreation informed by racial dynamics of the 1970s when she wrote the text. This paper examines the manuscript as a troubled (and troubling) response to what Rhys perceived as racial rejection from Dominica at the wake of political independence. Rhys s representation of white Creole womanhood significantly depends on an interwoven configuration of racial dynamics and sexual politics, where an oppressive white European man facilitates a white Creole woman s cross-racial identification with Afro-Caribbeans. However, the political and literary landscape of the West Indies in the 1970s made such cross-racial identification untenable. As a result, The Imperial Road is full of disturbing racial hatred, prejudice, and resentment. And yet, it also reflects Rhys s honest and serious concern over a white Creole s racial identity in postcolonial Dominica, raising a difficult question: How would a postcolonial age change a white Creole identity that belongs neither to the colonized nor to the colonizer (or both)? In The Imperial Road, unable to identify with Afro-Caribbeans, the white Creole is disoriented in time and space, lost at home, stuck between the past and the present, not knowing how to participate in a postcolonial homeland. Through the narrator s racial disorientation, The Imperial Road exposes the white Creole s fundamental dependence on other Creoles.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.1311-1337
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• 2010

This paper deals with one of the hottest debates in the history of the Association for Asian American Studies (AAAS) since its inception in the late 1960s. In 1998 at Hawai'i, the AAAS awarded Lois-Ann Yamanaka its Fiction Award for her novel Blu's Hanging, only to have this award protested. The point at issue was the inappropriate representation of Filipino American characters called "Human Rats" in the novel. This event divided the association into two groups: one criticizing the novel for the problematic portrayal of Filipinos in colonial Hawai'i, and the other defending it from the criticism in the name of aesthetic freedom. Such a "crisis of representation" in Asian American identity reflects on the ways in which local Hawaiians are positioned in the complicate power dynamic between oppositional Hawaiian identity and cosmopolitan diasporic identity within the larger framework of Asian American pan-ethnic identity. The controversial event triggered the eruption of Asian Americans' anxiety over the identity-bounded nation of Asian America where intra-racial classism and conflict have been at play, which are primary themes of Blu's Hanging. This paper shows how Yamanaka's Blu's Hanging becomes so disturbing a work to prevent the hegemonic formality of Asian America identity from being fully dogmatic. Ultimately, it contradicts the political unconscious of the reading public and unmasked its false consciousness by engendering a "free subjective intervention" in the ideological reality of colonial Hawai'i.