• 의정연구
• /
• 제27권1호
• /
• pp.41-77
• /
• 2021

여성의 정치적 대표성 확대를 위한 할당제가 법제화된 지 20년이 지난 지금까지도 한국의 여성의원 비율은 20%를 넘지 못하고 있다. 이 연구는 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도의 세 축이라고 할 수 있는 할당제, 여성추천보조금, 여성정치발전비가 지난 20년 동안 제도적으로 어떻게 변화해왔으며, 여성대표성에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지, 어떤 제도적 한계를 갖고 있는지를 검토한다. 이와 함께 여성대표성 확대를 위한 개혁의 불/가능한 조건들을 탐구한다. 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도가 개혁되기 위해서는 한국의 정치제도가 남성지배의 구조 속에서 성별화된 방식으로 배열되어 있다는 것을 이해하는 동시에 성평등 정치를 위한 개혁을 추동하는 결정적 행위자와 집단의 존재가 필수적이라는 것을 이해하는 것이 필요하다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제58권5호
• /
• pp.975-999
• /
• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.

• 미국학
• /
• 제42권2호
• /
• pp.79-107
• /
• 2019

This article explores the photographic work of North American artist Jeff Wall. While his photographic work has been much discussed in terms of aesthetics and composition highlighting his methodological appropriation of modernist painters such as Eduard Manet and Piet Mondrian, the political aspect of his work remains to be investigated. This article especially unpacks the complicated dialectical relationship between the formal aesthetics and the political nature of his works by visiting his photographic work in the context of contemporary debates on the contradiction and conflicts between aesthetics and politics in photographic form. Ultimately, this article argues that Wall's photograph acquires its political meaning by problematizing the reified social representation of the other in a way in which the materiality and/or otherness of the photographic object is registered within the photographic frame and by representing the violence of the social representation and the un-representability of the object/other.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제64권4호
• /
• pp.601-616
• /
• 2018

This article explores the ways Charles Dickens's roles as novelist and journal editor overlapped and influenced one another in the serial publication of A Tale of Two Cities (1859) and complicates recent historicist readings, which situate the novel in relation to the Indian Mutiny (1857-59), by calling attention to a double imperial logic used to construct British subjectivity not only against forms of Eastern Otherness but, moreover, against forms of Southern Otherness associated with the European South, especially Italy. Analyzing Dickens's historical representation of the French Revolution in relation to its contemporary international political context, this essay examines how the novel's serial publication draws upon political discourse from contemporary articles on the Second Italian War of Independence (1859-61) appearing concurrently in Dickens's journal, All the Year Round. Orientalism circulates simultaneously in the novel as a distant and exotic as well as a provincial and parochial representation of racial and cultural Otherness.

• 영미문화
• /
• 제10권2호
• /
• pp.99-125
• /
• 2010

This paper explores the political significance of a literary work, the hidden side beneath the ideology of founding America in Lydia Maria Child's Hobomok which reconstructs the history of the colonial period. The ideological strategy of founding America on racial discrimination is given a repeated representation in 19th-century American novels. Most works shed a negative light on Native Americans, whereas Hobomok stands out by presenting a positive picture of a miscegenation between a Native American man and a white woman, the acculturation of a half Indian into the white society. Furthermore, Child undoes distorted stereotypes about native Americans, exposing the Puritans' intolerant and exclusive attitudes and criticizing men who forced women to be obedient for the cause of nation and religion. However, Child also shows that she could not be free from the ideology of founding America which insisted on the superiority of the white's racial identity and excluded the Native Americans as beings who were destined to vanish gradually but eventually. Although Hobomok revises stereotypical representation of Native Americans as the other, it also serves for a political purpose, showing a politically inseparable relationship between literary works and the ideology of founding America.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제1권2호
• /
• pp.2-12
• /
• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• The International Journal of Costume Culture
• /
• 제13권1호
• /
• pp.12-22
• /
• 2010

As an influential political leader, Queen Elizabeth II holds the link between past queens and today's women political leaders and her dress represents so much in accordance to her role. It is important to analyze the dress and role enactment of Queen Elizabeth II in order to provide a guide to the future women political leaders all over the world. The Queen's dress helps her show tradition which has developed over one thousand years of history. She represents Britain to the world focusing on national identity and unity. The Queen always distinct herself from the rest of the world to show the pride of British Monarch, but when she is visiting other counties for diplomatic relationships she would surely show a friendly gesture on her dress to assimilate herself with that country. Also, same as all other women, the Queen seeks practicality in her dress. Therefore, I was able to classify the Queen's dress into jive groups as a way of role enactment. They are tradition, representation, distinction, assimilation, and practicality.

• 정보화정책
• /
• 제26권2호
• /
• pp.81-95
• /
• 2019

최근 선거캠페인에서 수집되는 유권자 모델링 및 맞춤형 커뮤니케이션에 관한 데이터는 양적 확장성과 질적 유용성 측면에서 새롭다. 본 연구는 지능정보기술을 활용한 고도의 데이터 분석 능력이 정치에 어떻게 활용되고 있는지에 주목한다. 그 중에서도 선거캠페인에서의 유권자 행동 타게팅이 다양한 측면에서 민주주의 과정과 충돌할 수 있다는 점에 초점을 맞춘다. 이를 위해 마이크로 타게팅과 정치 봇을 살펴본다. 본 연구는 이러한 기술 기반의 캠페인 기법들이 민주주의의 핵심인 자유로운 의견 표출과 논쟁을 방해하는 요인으로 작동하는 양상을 보여준다. 동시에 이에 영향을 미치는 알고리즘의 속성을 파악한다. 본 연구는 지능정보기술 기반의 정치와 민주주의에서 다음과 같은 문제가 발생할 수 있음을 제시한다. 첫째, 정치참여의 불평등이 심화된다. 둘째, 유권자 간 공적 논쟁이 어려워진다. 셋째, 피상적인 정치가 만연한다. 넷째, 단일 이슈 정치와 배제의 정치 현상이 증가한다. 마지막으로 정치적 프라이버시가 침해될 수 있다. 요컨대, 지능정보시대 우리의 역할은 점점 고도화되고 있는 지능정보기술과 민주주의가 공존할 수 있는 방법을 모색하는 것이다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제57권2호
• /
• pp.217-235
• /
• 2011

On recognizing the significance of Walter Benjamin's "The Task of a Translator" in recent discourses of postcolonial cultural translation, this essay examines the creative postcolonialist appropriations of Benjamin's theory of translation and their political implications. In an effort to dismantle the imperialist political hierarchy between the West and the non-West, modernity and its "primitive" others, which has been the operative premise of the traditional translation studies and anthropology, newly emergent discourses of cultural translation actively adopts Benjamin's notion of translation that does not prioritize the original text's claim on authenticity. Benjamin theorizes each text-translation as well as the original-as an incomplete representation of the pure language. Eschewing formalistic views propounded by deconstructionist critics like Paul de Man, who tend to regard Benjamin's notion of the untranslatable purely in terms of the failure inherent in the language system per se, such postcolonialist critics as Tejaswini Niranjana, Rey Chow, and Homi Bhabha, each in his/her unique way, recuperate the significatory potential of historicity embedded in Benjamin's text. Their further appropriation of the concept of the "untranslatable" depends on a radically political turn that, instead of focusing on the failure of translation, salvages historical as well as cultural potentiality that lies between disparate cultural entities, signifying differences, or disjunctures, that do not easily render themselves to existing systems of representation. It may therefore be concluded that postcolonial discourses on cultural translation of Niranhana, Chow, and Bhabha, inspired by Benjamin, each translate the latter's theory into highly politicized understandings of translation, and this leads to an extensive rethinking of the act of translation itself to include all forms of cultural exchange and communicative activities between cultures. The disjunctures between these discourses and Benjamin's text, in that sense, enable them to form a sort of theoretical constellation, which aspires to an impossible yet necessary utopian ideal of critical thinking.

• 한국언론정보학보
• /
• 제45권
• /
• pp.187-219
• /
• 2009

미디어를 통해 정책의제 설정과 정책홍보가 늘어나면서, 정치인과 정당은 미디어의 표현기법과 뉴스 생산조건에 맞춰 나가야 하는 압박을 받고 있다. 미디어의 생산조건에 맞추는 정치로 정치인들은 정책 설명을 통해 국민을 이해시키려 하기보다는 미디어를 통해 자신의 이미지를 알리기 위한 연출기법을 배우는 데 더 의존하게 된다. 정치인들의 연출기법 차용은 효과적인 정책홍보라는 원칙에 위반되지는 않지만, 정치가 미디어의 생산조건에 맞춰나가면서 점점 더 정책의제 설명보다는 이미지 연출에 의존하는 현상이 두드러지고 있다. 폴리테인먼트를 통한 정치연출은 유권자들에게 정치인 개인에 대한 평가는 물론, 정당의 정책수행 능력평가와 대의 민주주의의 정당성 확보에 이르기까지 광범위하게 영향을 미치고 있다. 또한 미디어 생산시간에 맞춘 폴리테인먼트의 강화는 숙의 민주주의의 합리적인 발전을 어렵게 만들며, 연출을 통한 가상정치의 확산이라는 불합리한 현상까지 발생시키고 있다. 이 연구에서는 미디어 생산시간이 정치과정에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 지금까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 실시된 독일총선에서의 TV토론을 사례로 분석했다. 그 결과 미디어의 연출적 요소가 미디어를 통한 정치적 토론은 물론, 정치 커뮤니케이션 전 과정에 걸쳐 영향력을 행사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.