• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.73-98
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• 2011

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as 'others' by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.85-111
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• 2018

This study examines the puzzle of institutional change of irregular worker protection system in Korea through a theory of incremental institutional change. It is the case of "conversion" mode of institutional change that occurs when ambiguous rules permit reinterpretations of rules and regulations for converting functions of institutions into new ones without formal revision. Management sectors with enforcement power have circumvented main rules of high discretion since 2007. In institutional dimension, the extent of irregular workers and the provisions of limit on employment-period and prohibition-correction on discrimination lack sufficient details. In political context, veto possibilities have been downward. Irregular workers were hardly organized independently and two labor union federations mainly composed of regular workers were less receptive to them. Veto possibilities in legislation were also low: the Economic and Social Development Commission ended up in weak labor representation and labor parties in the National Assembly have undergone dissolution.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.203-219
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• 2010

Nowadays an instability of the exchange rate on accounts of global finance crisis brings on a lot of an economic damage such as recession, decreasing of total trade and so on. However some countries which belong to be membership of the eurozone could escape economic slump shortly and easier than others. The reason for this is that they share with the Euro as a their own currency which is the second vehicle currency all of the world. This paper analyzes the correlation of joining the Euro zone and trade with pooled OLS, random effect estimation, and fixed effect estimation. A membership of the Euro zone are able to increase trade 11.3% ~ 25.3% one another on average since some country belongs to the Euro zone. It is very important for some countries which have a plan to affiliate the Euro zone sooner or later to realize economic effect because of a protection of the Euro zone as well as political power.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.139-169
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• 2016

Nakron School of the ruling Noron Party in late Joseon Dynasty was at the helm of state with Neo-Confucian ideology and it came out of being obsessed with conventional 'spiritual' aspects and changed both political and academic atmosphere with interests in 'matters.' The power leading such a change was scholars in Seoksil Seowon (石室書院) which centered around Kim Won-Haeng (金元行). However, except for few progressive scholars-Bukhak scholars (北學論者), most of Nakron scholars secretly acknowledged the actuality of Qing Dynasty but they failed to get out of old Neo-Confucian traditions. It was difficult for them to accept Bukhak theory which jeopardized the existence of administration. They sought plans both to keep Neo-Confucian traditions and Sinocentrism in Joseon and to reach the cultural level of Qing Dynasty and in that process, they recognized restoration of the statecraft study (經世學) summarized on Seongridaejeon as an alternative. Hwang Yun-Seok is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in such response of Nakron. He rediscovered value of the science of xiangshu in the Neo-Confucian category and highlighted importance of Seongridaejeon yet again.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.217-247
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• 2012

This essay attempts to read Melville's Moby-Dick as a prefiguration of American pragmatism, especially Jamesian version of it. Underlying this project is the assumption that the American Romance and James's pragmatism partake in the enduring tradition of American thoughts and imagination. Despite the commonality in their roots, the continuity between these two products of American culture has received few critical assessments. The American Romance has rarely been discussed in terms of American pragmatism in part because critics have tended to narrowly define the latter as a kind of relativistic philosophy equivalent to practical instrumentalism, political realism and romantic utilitarianism. Consequently, they have favored literary works in the realistic tradition for their textual analyses, while eschewing a more imaginative genre like the American Romance. My contention is that James's version of pragmatism is a future oriented pluralism which is unable to dispense with the power of imagination and the talent for seeing unforeseen possibilities inherent in nature and culture. James's pragmatism is in tune with the American Romance in that it savours the attractions of alternative possibilities created by the genre in which the imaginary world is imbued with the actual one. The pragmatic impulse in Moby-Dick finds its finest expression in the words and acts of Ishmael. Through this protean narrator, Melville renders the text of Moby-Dick symbolic, fragmentary and thereby pluralistic in its meaning. With his rhetoric of incompletion and by refraining from totalizing what he experiences, Ishmael shuns finality in truth and entices the reader to join his intellectual journey with a non-foundational notion of truth and meaning in view. Ishmael also envisages pragmatists' beliefs that experience is fluid in nature and the universe is in a constant state of becoming. Yet Ishmael as the narrator of Moby-Dick is more functional than foundational.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.155-184
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• 2017

ASEAN marking its 50th anniversary in 2017 draws hopes and concerns. There is hope for the full realization of the vision of ASEAN Community since 2015 while there are increasing concerns about the changing internal and external environments. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, after reviewing institutionalization and functional cooperation in 2016, it argues that there is increasing pressure for the modification of the 'ASEAN Way' mainly due to the recent political changes in some ASEAN member states. Second, this article considers the nature of ASEAN's external relation focusing on continuity rather than change. The tendency of external relations of ASEAN appears to be 'avoiding conflict' and 'status quo' while it concentrates on development cooperation. We argue that such attitude contributes to the unity of ASEAN as it is useful in searching for regional resilience which is a common goal of ASEAN power elites.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

This paper examines how Lee Gyubo expressed his inner consciousness in his poems, confining chiefly to the works that he composed before his travelling to Gangnam. Criticism of his poems during that period should be subjected to the fact that he was critical-minded about social issues and was eager to succeed as well. He was spending his unlucky life as an intellectual while the military group seized political power. He could not overcome the prejudice of others and expressed his solitude in his lyrics in which he described things around him in detail. By doing this he tried to preserve his inner purity away from dusty world. On the other way he was very sensitive to the passing of time as he was always eager to succeed. Lee Gyubo edited Gangnam-jip after his travelling to Gangnam. After his travel, he sought a government post continuously, and lived a tough life until he was appointed to Jikhallim. What is remarkable is that he seldom expressed his solitude or frustration after his travel in spite of his tough life. It is presumed that he changed his mind to go with the times during his travel and there we can find the meaning of his travel to Gangnam.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.277-301
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• 2017

The modern political scientist Liang, qi-chao (1873-1929), who insisted on the richness of China, was a major axis of Korean intellectuals in the nineteenth century. His patriotism for Chinese reconstruction oppressed by Western powers has greatly influenced Korea 's will to build a modern nation. There was military power and physical education at the center of Liang, qi-chao thought. He emphasized military strength through military strength with a strong stamina, so he mentioned the necessity of military and physical education. Based on the idea of this kind of Liang, qi-chao, the korean intellectuals believed that the Korean people should be born healthy through physical education. The initial introduction of physical education in Korea was integrated with the Military Sports. For the first time, Being introduced Western Sports in 1895, The fact that the army athletic gymnastics was first introduced into school education in 1896 proves this oneness. Moreover, Ethnic scholars continued to focus on fostering strong nationality through physical education based on the spirit of Liang, qi-chao, and was emphasizing the gymnastics of the military sportsman at the central idea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.712-726
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to find out what discourse the newspaper's articles produce and distribute about 'drug addiction' and to reveal the topography and meaning of the discourse. Data were collected by searching 'drug' 'drug addiction' as keywords for news articles in four daily newspapers in Korea. As a result of analyzing using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, first, the 'crime-punishment' discourse was dominant in textual analysis. Drug addiction is a social evil and a serious crime such as sex crimes, child crimes, and violence, so it should be strictly punished. Second, in the discourse practice analysis, drug addiction is a mental disease that needs treatment, so systematic management by the state is required. Third, in the socio-cultural practice analysis, drug addiction is a means of making money for economic benefit, is related to corruption of political power, and is an object that should be strongly controlled to prevent drug crimes from threatening the foundation of the state. Culturally, drug addiction stems from the motivation of pleasure seeking, and is the result of moral degradation. Through this analysis, the conversion to the 'disease-treatment' discourse and drug policies centered on treatment and rehabilitation were suggested as alternatives.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.189-194
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• 2022

The formation of a new world order is primarily caused by new conditions and military operations on the European continent. The intensification of military-political tension led to the formation of new centers of power and gravity, which in turn led to the concentration of weapons and general militarization. Changes in the world order as a result of military conflicts and an increase in hot spots in the world, an increase in threats and the formation of centers of military gravity, the inability of existing institutions to resolve the situation lead to the need to develop new security mechanisms. Studies show that in the current situation, the countries of the Baltic countries are especially actively increasing their level of technologization of the army and militarization in general. The creation of any alliance is always conditioned by the presence of external threats. Naturally, the increase in the number of threats creates preconditions for the development of new forms of cooperation within existing military alliances. It seems obvious that due to the current situation in the context of the military conflict and military aggression of Russia in Ukraine, as well as its constant threats, including to the Baltic countries, there is a need to form a certain alliance that can protect the eastern border of Europe and form a certain border between European countries and aggressor countries. The Baltic countries are actively involved in these processes, in addition, it is the Baltic countries that can enter the new military alliance proposed by Britain, which will unite Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic countries and, possibly, Great Britain.