• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

본 연구는 민주주의 및 정당담론의 변화가 실질적인 정치자금제도의 변동을 유도하여 왔으며 이를 통해 다시금 전체적인 민주주의담론의 변화와 정치체계의 체제정합성 확대에 영향을 미쳐왔는가라는 문제를 제기한다. 독일의 정치자금 구조와 국고보조금 제도는 60년대부터 90년대 후반에 이르는 긴 논쟁과 갈등과정을 동반하며 형성되어 왔다. 국고보조금 도입 초기 이에 대한 비판여론은 극심하였던 것으로 보이며 독일 정당들은 이후 수십여 년 간 정당의 헌법적 지위를 현실화하기 위한 담론형성을 주도하여 왔다. 국고보조금제도는 여러 차례의 헌법재판소 판결과 정당 간의 치열한 논쟁을 동반하며 약 세 차례 근본적인 변동을 겪어 왔다. 그리고 이 변화 과정은 "의회민주주의체제 하에 국가와 사회를 매개하는 필수불가결한 제도로서의 정당"이라는 헌법해석이 어떻게 의회와 헌법재판소를 서서히 장악해왔는가를 보여준다.

• 의정연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

여성의 정치적 대표성 확대를 위한 할당제가 법제화된 지 20년이 지난 지금까지도 한국의 여성의원 비율은 20%를 넘지 못하고 있다. 이 연구는 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도의 세 축이라고 할 수 있는 할당제, 여성추천보조금, 여성정치발전비가 지난 20년 동안 제도적으로 어떻게 변화해왔으며, 여성대표성에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지, 어떤 제도적 한계를 갖고 있는지를 검토한다. 이와 함께 여성대표성 확대를 위한 개혁의 불/가능한 조건들을 탐구한다. 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도가 개혁되기 위해서는 한국의 정치제도가 남성지배의 구조 속에서 성별화된 방식으로 배열되어 있다는 것을 이해하는 동시에 성평등 정치를 위한 개혁을 추동하는 결정적 행위자와 집단의 존재가 필수적이라는 것을 이해하는 것이 필요하다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제19권12호
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• pp.133-143
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• 2021

차터스쿨을 통한 혁신 사회 지속가능성에도 불구하고, 차터스쿨은 여전히 복잡한 정치 상황 아래에서 성장과 쇠퇴를 반복하고 있다. 2011경에 일어난 차터스쿨의 성장에도 불구하고, 이를 정치적인 관점에서 연구한 연구는 찾아 보기 힘들다. 따라서 정치제도와 정치시장 분석틀을 사용하여, 본 연구는 미국의 주정부 자료를 바탕으로 정치적 제도와 차터스쿨 성장과의 관계를 회귀분석을 활용하여 분석하였다. 그 결과 주지사의 소속정당은 차터스쿨의 수에 영향을 미치고 있었으며, 민영화지지 단체, 주지사의 소속정당과 1인당 소득은 차터스쿨의 집행 점수에 통계적으로 유의미한 관계를 나타냈다. 또한 주정부 내 교원 노동조합의 등록비율, 주지사의 소속정당과 1인당 소득은 차터스쿨의 보장된 재정지원에 영향을 미치는 중요한 요인으로 작용하였다. 결국, 본 연구의 결과를 통해 정치적 제도가 교육에 중요한 요소임을 확인할 수 있었다.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제43권6호
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• pp.455-458
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• 2010

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) was signed into law on March 23, 2010 and will fundamentally alter health care in the United States for years to come. The US is currently one of the only industrialized countries without universal health insurance. The new law expands existing public insurance for the poor. It also provides financial credits to low income individuals and some small businesses to purchase health insurance. By government estimates, the law will bring insurance to 30 million people. The law also provides for a significant new investment in prevention and wellness. It appropriates an unprecedented $15 billion in a prevention and public health fund, to be disbursed over 10 years, as well as creates a national prevention council to oversee the government's prevention efforts. This paper discusses 3 major prevention provisions in the legislation: 1) the waiving of cost-sharing for clinical preventive services, 2) new funding for community preventive services, and 3) new funding for workplace wellness programs. The paper examines the scientific evidence behind these provisions as well as provides examples of some model programs. Taken together, these provisions represent a significant advancement for prevention in the US health care system, including a shift towards healthier environments. However, in this turbulent economic and political environment, there is a real threat that much of the law, including the prevention provisions, will not receive adequate funding.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.131-154
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• 2023

This study investigates the productivity of Indonesian social scientists during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a particular concentration on their contributions to COVID-19 prevention and management. By categorizing social science research according to themes such as authors' gender, authors' institution of origin, forms of collaboration, and journal quality, this study examines the patterns and factors that influence research output. Using information from the Scopus database, 1,071 journal articles were analyzed in total. The findings indicate that collaborations with foreign researchers considerably improve productivity and publication quality, with Malaysian and Australian institutions serving as the most active partners. Nevertheless, there are gender disparities, as female authors write and are cited less frequently than male authors. The study stresses the importance of increasing international collaboration among Indonesian authors and implementing affirmative action policies to support and empower female researchers. This study contributes to the existing body of knowledge by providing policymakers, funding agencies, and academic institutions with recommendations for fostering a more inclusive and influential research environment in Indonesia.

• 품질경영학회지
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• 제49권1호
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.35-40
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• 2011

The recent listing of Preah Vihear Temple as a World Heritage Site has awakened a longtime simmering border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over a few square kilometers surrounding the ancient Khmer Temple. While the listing of the site by UNESCO was expected to revive the economy of the impoverished border towns near the temple due to the increased tourism and funding for the preservation of the archeological site, it has had the opposite effect due to the sharp increase in violent conflict carried out by the armed forces and nationalist activists from both sides. Military skirmishes and violent protests have brought the local economy to a halt in addition to causing considerable physical damage to the local infrastructure and to the local transnational network of ethnic Kui, local business owners, Khmer and Thai villagers. This paper shows how the dispute is viewed and undertaken by three distinct communities involved in the conflict, the militaries, the metropolitan political elites and activists, and the local villagers. The three communities represent three different cultures of conflict with different interests and most importantly with differential access to the media and official representations of the dispute.

• International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.7-22
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• 2023

The development of rural areas is expected to be holistic covering all essential infrastructure. Community information centres (CICs) are agen- cies that should be part of the infrastructures for rural development. Unfortunately, these centres are hardly seen in rural communities in Nigeria, including Afikpo in Ebonyi State. Thus, this study was conceived to explore the perceptions of citizens towards the establishment of CICs in the locality. It adopted survey research method with questionnaire as instrument for data collection, which was self-developed and validated by experts with a pre-texted reliability index of 0.72. A total of 399 copies of the questionnaire were distributed, out of which 267 copies were properly completed, representing 67% and were used for analysis. Findings revealed that the citizens have overall positive perception to- wards establishing the CICs; they are also knowledgeable of the benefits of such centres. Furthermore, there are workable suggestions on ways of establishing, funding and managing CICs in Afikpo. In addition, about 65% of the respondents indicated interest to assist and support the funding and management of the CICs when established. However, the challenges of inadequate funding and support as well as the possible politics of where to site/locate the CICs in Afikpo, are likely impediments to the project. The study concluded that citizens have strong and positive disposition towards establishing CICs in Afikpo. The implications of such CICs for technological innovations were analysed. The study recom- mends, among others, that government should see the establishment of CICs as priority projects that would significantly contribute to the growth and development of rural communities in Nigeria; communities in Afikpo should explore self-help approach to development; and political representatives from Afikpo should take advantage of establishing CICs as constituency projects for the citizens.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.33-56
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• 2006

'문화 전쟁(Culture Wars)'은 1980년대 말부터 1990년대 초 미국에서 보수주의자와 진보주의자 사이에 벌어진 문화적 논쟁을 일컫는다. 이 용어는 제임스 헌터(James Hunter)의 책 "문화 전쟁: 미국을 정의하려는 노력(Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America)"의 출간으로 대중화되었고, 당시 공화당 대통령 후보였던 패트릭 부캐넌(Patrick Buchanan)에 의해 급부상하게 된다. 그는 "이 나라에는 지금 종교 전쟁, 즉 냉전만큼 중요한 '문화 전쟁'이 일어나고 있고, 이것은 미국의 영혼을 위한 전쟁이다." 라고 부르짖으며 급변하는 문화 정체성의 위기 속에서 미국적인 전통을 지키고자 하였다. 이 문화 전쟁은 여러 다양한 논쟁을 함의하고 있었는데, 교목제도의 폐지, 교육기관에서의 다문화주의(multiculturalism) 커리큘럼 도입, 동성애자의 군복무, 낙태, 총기 소지 등의 허용 문제로 당시 미국의 교육계, 문화계뿐만 아니라 정치계, 입법부에서도 첨예한 대립 구도를 형성하였다. 미술계에서 가장 치열했던 문화 전쟁은 안드레 세라노(Andres Serrano)의 작품전과 ${\ll}$로버트 메플소프: 완벽한 순간(Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment)전${\gg}$이 공공기금인 국립예술진흥기금(National Endowments for the Arts, NEA)의 지원을 받아 개최되는 것이 타당한 것이냐에 대한 논쟁에서 표출되었다. 이 두 전시를 기점으로 그 뒤로도 여러 미술 전시회와 음악회, 연극 등을 둘러싼 NEA 기금 지원과 관련한 분쟁은 한동안 계속된다. 이 글은 이러한 미술계 문화 전쟁의 발전 과정과 몇몇 논점에 초점을 맞추되, 세라노나 메플소프의 작품 자체를 분석하고 비평하는 글이 아님을 밝혀 둔다. 본 연구는 분쟁의 전개에 대한 상세한 기술적, 연대기적 조사보다는 그 발단과 전개 과정에서 몇 가지 핵심적인 사항들을 기술하고, 이 사항들이 암시하는 정치적, 미학적, 미술사적 시각의 충돌에 대해 지적하는 글이 될 것이다. 더 나아가 당시 이러한 논쟁이 미국 미술계에 의미하던 것, 미국 문화 전체에 의미하던 것은 과연 무엇인가에 대한 비평적 질문으로 글을 맺고자 한다.

• 한국환경과학회지
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.231-238
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• 2014

There were many attempts to increase the level of environmental cooperation in Northeast Asia. However, intergovernmental cooperation has not brought a substantial effects so far. This article aims to provide a model for multilateral joint research of environmental technologies. Each field of environmental problem requires a Consortium of joint research team and R & D mechanism. This model emphasizes joint-funding, tax-break for environmental investment and the importance of multilateral contract.