• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Computers and Concrete
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.355-363
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• 2018

In the following paper, a socio-political heuristic search approach, named the imperialist competitive algorithm (ICA) has been used to improve the efficiency of the multi-layer perceptron artificial neural network (ANN) for predicting the compressive strength of concrete. 173 concrete samples have been investigated. For this purpose the values of slump flow, the weight of aggregate and cement, the maximum size of aggregate and the water-cement ratio have been used as the inputs. The compressive strength of concrete has been used as the output in the hybrid ICA-ANN model. Results have been compared with the multiple-linear regression model (MLR), the genetic algorithm (GA) and particle swarm optimization (PSO). The results indicate the superiority and high accuracy of the hybrid ICA-ANN model in predicting the compressive strength of concrete when compared to the other methods.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.1-26
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• 2021

Applying discourse analysis of Russia's narrative on humanitarian aid and its perception by the Western collective identity at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, this study identifies several challenges that constructivism poses to the current understanding of public diplomacy (PD). In contrast to the mainstream positivist tendency to evaluate the effectiveness of PD through models, this article expands the PD narrative by inquiring about the role of power, intersubjective knowledge, and collective identities in public diplomacy. In particular, it examines the PD questions often ignored by researchers regarding how collective identities can exercise discursive power to interpret incoming narratives, which challenge domestic intersubjective knowledge. It also argues that, because the Russian political elite failed to ensure a coherent story and provide informational support for its humanitarian aid, the Western intersubjective knowledge on Russia negatively contributed to the perception of PD narratives. Thus, the article underscores the importance for PD practitioners to understand how the socially constructed nature of knowledge can improve or harm PD strategies.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.47-55
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• 2015

This study is to examine the current situation of Korean sports culture and seek its pointing spot and alternatives to its advancement. First, out of the current situation of Korean sports culture, that of school physical education, even though it is the most significant basis for sports culture, is riddled with so many contradictions that the pace of its change is very slow. Only when the elite sport is normally operated and well coordinated, can it have the value of existence as a stable field. The mass sports have been determined to have insufficient self-reliance of sport facilities, sport programs and instructor management since the national policy for physical education has been focused on the elite sports. Second, internalization of "Winning First Policy" as a pointing spot of sports culture has been found to be an production of the value system with not only a very passive tendency caused by political changes. Accordingly, the concept of sports-culturism has been introduced as a new pointing spot of sports culture and then it has been emphasized that the sports-culturism is the awareness of sports advancement. Third, in terms of finding any alternatives to sports culture, enacting a school physical education promotion law has a very significant meaning as its advancement method. Next, the immorality of and match-fixing by sport organizations and the umpire's bad call have been mentioned as major problems to the elite sport, and also the alternative to each field has been set. Last, it has been assented with emphasis that Law of Sports for All should be enacted for the public sports to have any significance of the times.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.239-264
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• 2002

The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.134-140
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• 2021

The development of technology speeds up the process of obtaining information and its analysis to track the level of corruption in different countries and develop countermeasures. This study examines the role of information and analytical support of anti-corruption policy as a tool for government accountability and analysis, evaluation, combating corruption in Eastern Europe. The purpose of the article is to identify the components of the information-analytical system that help reduce the level of corruption. The research methodology is based on a qualitative content analysis of the functioning of information and analytical systems of Ukraine used by anti-corruption bodies. A quantitative analysis of the CPI score was conducted, according to Transparency International, to identify the effectiveness of anti-corruption policies in developing countries. The results show similar trends in countries developing on the effect of the use of information and analytical systems in the implementation of anti-corruption policies, strategies and measures. The strategy to combat corruption mainly involves increasing the independence and powers of anti-corruption bodies. Therefore, the development of information and analytical support is aimed at automating the processes of pre-trial investigations and criminal proceedings, information protection. As a tool for accountability, information and analytical systems may be ineffective due to the abuse of power by higher anti-corruption bodies due to political pressure from elite structures. Restrictions on political will are a major problem for the effectiveness of anti-corruption policies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.41
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• pp.153-168
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is to examine, specifically, the external and internal characteristics of anti-fashion expression in the Korean student movement after the 1945 Liberation. The dress expressed in the student movement represented the purity of student and characterized resistance, and this character expressed strongly in 80s, faded from middle of 90s. Until the 60s, the student movement was not characterized by, so activist students wore dress and suits. It symbolized students as an elite group of society. They added on head-bands to express resistance. In the 70s, activist students wore school uniforms, school military training wear, blue jeans and loose shirts in demonstrations. They tried to express re-bellion against the government and the older gen-eration. In the 80s, the period was remarkably distingusihing by the economic growth at that time. Activist students wore T-shirts with Korean letters and popular paintings specially made, Korean costumes, wrapped in the Taggeuki (Korean national flag), and refused wear on jeans because of anti-Americanism. They also wore masks, muffled their faces, and got their heads shaved. These anti-fashions are very strong expressions for the national independence spirit, national traditional heitage, anti-foreign power and anti-American. In the early 90s, activist students wore reformed Korean costumes specially made group uniforms, after that they wore casual everyday clothes with caps. They tried to express remarkable resistance in the early 90s, but after the mid-90s expression of resistance weakened and faded, so there was no distinction between activist and non-activist. There are the reasons why the student movement changed after the peaceful transfer of political power.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.119-128
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• 2014

This study attempted to develop a representative mild Korean food, including kimchi, bulgogi, galbi, and bibimbap, while maintaining existing images in order to spread Korean food worldwide. Tangpyeongchae is a mild healthy food with a nutritional balance of carbohydrates from cheongpomuk, protein from beef and eggs, and vitamins and minerals from water parsley, bean sprout, and laver. The food has a history of being favored by the political elite of the Joseon Dynasty and has features in Korean storytelling. Tangpyeongchae is an obangsaek food (five representative colors of Oriental philosophy). This study examined modern recipes of Tangpyeongchae in order to establish a standardized cooking method. Furthermore, the study examined customer interest and marketability of natural pigments to develop obangsaek cheongpomuk (mungbean gel) by adding black sesame, a traditional ingredient in Korea, to the cheongpomuk as well as traditional Korean pigments, chija and omija.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.3-19
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• 2012

This paper argues that the hard-boiled detective fiction is not a commercialized imitation of the classical detective novels but a revisionist detective fiction. Producing a radically different type of detectives from the traditional ones, the hard-boiled detective fiction provides a new, opposing paradigm of criminality, class, and masculinity to the classical detective fiction. Classical detective novels, through the heroic portrayal of high-class detectives capturing and punishing lower-class criminals, reassure class hierarchy. Hard-boiled detective novels, however, representing the ruling classes as the root of social oppression and political corruption, define the power elite as criminals. Whereas the classical detective fiction displays aristocratic masculinity, the hard-boiled detective fiction embodies working-class masculinity. The classical detective is generally represented as a genteel dilettante solving the mysteries of crimes, in his leisure time, through logical reasoning and scientific techniques. The hard-boiled detective, however, solves crimes by using violence and earns his living from catching criminals. The hard-boiled detective also maintains an absolute independence by keeping a distance from all forms of authority and connection. The representation of hard-boiled detective as a tough, rebellious, independent guy can be interpreted as a reaction to the advent of corporate capitalism and the rise of labor control in the 1920s.