• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.147-165
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• 1992

This paper analyzes the macroeconomic effects of elections on the Korean economy and their future ramifications. It measures the shocks to the Korean economy caused by elections by taking the average of sample forecast errors from four major elections held in the 1980s. The seven variables' Bayesian Vector Autoregression Model which includes the Monetary Base, Industrial Production, Consumption, Consumer Price, Exports, and Investment is based on the quarterly time series data starting from 1970 and is updated every quarter before forecasts are made for the next quarter. Because of this updating of coefficients, which reflects in part the rapid structural changes of the Korean economy, this study can capture the shock effect of elections, which is not possible when using election dummies with a fixed coefficient model. In past elections, especially the elections held in the 1980s, $M_2$ did not show any particular movement, but the currency and base money increased during the quarter of the election was held and the increment was partly recalled in the next quarter. The liquidity of interest rates as measured by corporate bond yields fell during the quarter the election and then rose in the following quarter, which is somewhat contrary to the general concern that interest rates will increase during election periods. Manufacturing employment fell in the quarter of the election because workers turned into campaigners. This decline in employment combined with voting holiday produce a sizeable decline in industrial production during the quarter in which elections are held, but production catches up in the next quarter and sometimes more than offsets the disruption caused during the election quarter. The major shocks to price occur in the previous quarter, reflecting the expectational effect and the relaxation of government price control before the election when we simulate the impulse responses of the VAR model, imposing the same shocks that was measured in the past elections for each election to be held in 1992 and assuming that the elections in 1992 will affect the economy in the same manner as in the 1980s elections, 1992 is expected to see a sizeable increase in monetary base due to election and prices increase pressure will be amplified substantially. On the other hand, the consumption increase due to election is expected to be relatively small and the production will not decrease. Despite increased liquidity, a large portion of liquidity in circulation being used as election funds will distort the flow of funds and aggravate the fund shortage causing investments in plant and equipment and construction activities to stagnate. These effects will be greatly amplified if elections for the head of local government are going to be held this year. If mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held after National Assembly elections, their effect on prices and investment will be approximately double what they normally will have been have only congressional and presidential elections been held. Even when mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held at the same time as congressional elections, the elections of local government heads are shown to add substantial effects to the economy for the year. The above results are based on the assumption that this year's elections will shock the economy in the same manner as in past elections. However, elections in consecutive quarters do not give the economy a chance to pause and recuperate from past elections. This year's elections may have greater effects on prices and production than shown in the model's simulations because campaigners' return to industry may be delayed. Therefore, we may not see a rapid recall of money after elections. In view of the surge in the monetary base and price escalation in the periods before and after elections, economic management in 1992 should place its first priority on controlling the monetary aggregate, in particular, stabilizing the growth of the monetary base.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.108-143
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• 2008

Candidate images refer to a holistic impression of a candidate which is composed of various dimensions of attributes. This study investigated how online and offline news media, campaign media such as political ads, televised debates, and candidate web-sites, and interpersonal political talk influenced voters' images of a candidate in such dimensions as personal traits, job-performance abilities, and policy capabilities, and further their political decision making in the 17th presidential election in Korea. The analysis focused on President Lee, Myung Bak who won the election by obtaining nearly 50% of the effective votes. According to the data analyses, first, uses of offline newspapers positively influenced voters' images of candidate Lee's personal traits such as his morality, integrity, trustworthiness, and compassion, yet online news uses had an opposite effect on voters' impression of his job-performance and economic policy capabilities. Secondly, among various campaign media, television ads and candidate web-sites positively contributed to the formation of candidate Lee's images, yet showed little direct effect on vote choice, indicating that campaign media mainly indirectly influenced voters' political decision making. Each of the first, second, and third televised candidate debates revealed unique effects on image formation and vote choice. Thirdly, the network size and frequency of political talk negatively influenced image formation regarding candidate Lee's personal traits and economic policy capabilities, yet the discussion network size positively contributed to the Lee votes. Forth, among various dimensions of candidate images, voters' perceptions of candidate Lee's personal traits appeared to be the most significant predictor of the support for him.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.247-257
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• 2022

The presidential election and the inauguration of the new government are a period of the policy window opening. The newly launched government is expected to improve the quality of life of the people. The Yoon Suk-yeol Government is also launched with new expectations with a transitional period in health care. The sustainability of health care in Korea is threatened. The environment of health care and the main policy issues of health care are difficult to secure the necessary finance for health care in spite of the increasing health care burden. Accordingly, the Yoon Suk-yeol Government's health care policy aims to provide intensive support to those in need of health and welfare and to improve the health of the people through investment in health. And for integrating fragmented health care and welfare services and creating people-centered community-based health care, a health care innovation center will be established for the evaluation platform of new delivery and payment systems, a health care development plan will be established for the blueprint of health care, and reorganizing the central & local government should be reviewed. Although we are facing unfavorable situations such as the distribution of the National Assembly, inflation, and the possibility of economic recession, we expect that announced health care policies will be implemented, recognizing that health care innovation is the only way to improve health care sustainability.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.85-123
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• 2020

Under representative democracy, members of the National Assembly exercise their authority to propose, enact, and revise bills on behalf of the people, and the legislation of such lawmakers has a great impact on individuals and society. There exist criticisms that the quality of legislator-sponsored bills has not improved while the number of them has been expanding recently. This study examines the type, productivity, and efficiency of legislation in the 17~19th National Assembly, and empirical analysis is conducted on how the lawmaker's legislations respond to election-related variables such as voter turnout and election competition. The results show that legislator-sponsored bills are mainly produced in the area of governance, finance, macroeconomic policy, social welfare, and health. The number of legislator's proposals increases, while the passing rate decreases, and the processing period extends. Constituents' participation in voting has been shown to enhance legislative efficiency. Based on the results, the paper emphasizes the enhancement of transparency in the legislative process, the improvement of the people's political knowledge, and the revitalization of election functions for the improvement of parliamentary legislation.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.11
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• pp.29-36
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• 2016

Purpose - Intense debate is occurring over support for farmers in Korea, specifically on the justification, policy design, and equality issues of the farm support programs. Given this debate, a new type of farm program in the US, a market flexible revenue program(the Average Crop Revenue Election, ACRE), is examined. ACRE stands in contrast to traditional programs that tie payments to price and have parameters that are fixed or change only infrequently. Research design, data, and methodology - Based on the ACRE program formulas, the potential payments are estimated by crop year, program crop and geographical area using the FSA acreage and payment rate data. Results - If all US farm program acres were in ACRE over the 2009-2013 crop years, payments would have totaled $7.95 billion or 1.2 percent of average market receipts for US crops. Enacting ACRE as a revenue program instead of a similarly-structured price-only program increased payments by $1.75 billion or 28 percent. Conclusions - Potential payments by ACRE largely reflected the distribution of the value of production across the program crops eligible for ACRE as well as across state geographical areas. If program parameters can be made acceptable and if data availability issues can be addressed, market flexible revenue programs offer a farm policy option that can address many of the concerns that have arisen over farm policy in Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.157-166
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• 2012

At the recent 19th General Election, Korean papers waged a surrogate war for the parties they share ideology with. All the conventional practices remained the same - the horse race-like presentations, furthering of confrontations, disregarding policy issues, allocating larger space for commentaries and negative issues, and etc. On top of these, papers began to focus on generational conflicts and individuals at the center of widespread attention and controversies, as a new trend. Photo images are largely used in the commentaries and articles dealing with confrontational or controversial situations. Of course, while the visual images seem to reinforce the emotional appeal of the messages papers try to get across, the potential problems need be noticed that could rise when irrelevant images are used.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.