• 수완나부미
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.25-46
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• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.83-114
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• 2023

제1차 세계대전을 다루는 국제정치에 대한 이전의 연구들은 주로 세력균형과 동맹 문제를 전쟁의 원인으로 지목했다. 이러한 시각들은 전쟁의 직접적인 원인인 사라예보 암살을 단순한 계기로 보았다. 결과적으로, 이러한 연구들은 '무엇이 전쟁을 피할 수 없게 만들었는지'를 설명할 수 있지만, 여전히 '왜 전쟁이 발칸 반도에서 시작되었고, 어떻게 유럽 전역으로 퍼졌는지'를 완전히 설명하지 못했다. 이러한 선행연구들의 한계를 보완하기 위해 본 연구는 독일-오스트리아와 러시아-세르비아의 갈등으로 시작된 발칸반도의 맥락에서 1차 세계대전의 기원을 찾는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 슈메이커와 스파니에의 국가 간 후견-피후견 관계와 위기 조작의 개념을 통해 발칸 위기의 역사적 배경과 위기의 전개를 분석하였다. 그 결과, 러시아와 독일의 경쟁과 그들의 피후견국들의 위기 조종 시도가 반드시 전쟁으로 이어지지는 않았음을 확인하였다. 그러나 위기 조종은 잠재적으로 그리고 누적적으로 나타날 후견국의 경쟁적 사고방식을 심어주었다. 이후 예상치 못한 위기가 발생했고, 경쟁 후견국들은 상대가 대전략적 음모와 도전을 계획하고 있다고 의심했다. 그 결과 그들은 피후견국들에 의한 위기 조작에 취약해졌다. 이러한 상황은 발칸의 후견-피후견 관계의 맥락에서 제1차 세계 대전의 발발 원인이 되었다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'