• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.28
• /
• pp.169-186
• /
• 1996

Wangeja Chulgungdo (The Painting for a Crown Prince's Outgoing for Schooling to Sungkyunkwan) for this study which is held by the Korean university Museum is a kind of documentary paintings which not only have the value of art history but also give a glimpse of the court ceremonies for a Crown Prince. This painting offers various historical clues to understand the procedure for a Crown Prince's official entrance of Sungkyunkwan participants of the ceremony and other ceremony-related items$\ulcorner$Wangseja chulgungdo$\lrcorner$ was the painting drawn for a series of court procedures of Crown Prince Munjo's official en-trance of Sungkynkwan. When he was old enough to begin learning Sohak on March 11. 1817 that is ; he held Heonjakrye(a ceremony for offering drinks to the ancestors) at Munmyo passed Iphakye(a ceremony for en-trance of school) at Myungryundang and received Suharye the next day. $\ulcorner$Wangseja Chulgungdo$\lrcorner$ had the strong char-acteristics of documentary paintings in terms of art history which was intended to leave the historical event of a Crown Prince's entrance. It reflected the traits of documentary painting style in late Chosun Dynasty; a technique that strongly relieved the ceremonial scenes against the background such as mountains and rivers; a painting that not only captured the vivid actions of personalities ar the crucial moment of the ceremony but also depicted the cer-emonial vessels and items very realistically. Authors could confirm the ceremonial think-ing of the traditional society through a Crown Prince's entrance which controlled the details of every part of the performances of the court ceremony.

• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.29 no.2
• /
• pp.149-159
• /
• 2013

The painted folding screen of Crown Prince Munhyo at Boyangcheong, Munhyo-seja Boyangcheonggyebyung, was made to record the court ceremony where Crown Prince Munhyo(1782-1786), the firstborn son of King Jeongjo, met his first teacher called Boyanggwan for the first time at Boyangcheong, a government agency specifically founded to provide education for a crown prince, in January 1784. Having never been treated before, this 8-fold screen is still in its original presentation of Joseon Dynasty screen paintings of court ceremonies in the 18th century. The mountings of folding screens in Joseon Dynasty has been researched through the study of the mounting of the Boyangcheong screen and the conservation treatment of the screen has been based on this research. The result of the pigment analysis shows the use of lead white, red lead, vermilion(cinnabar), azurite, malachite, litharge(massicot), carbon black(Chinese ink). The microscopic observation has proved that the painting was painted on verso in most areas and finished on recto to highlight the details or to produce subtle hues by applying light colors.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.31
• /
• pp.47-60
• /
• 1997

As we analyzed the formalities of court dress during King Soonjo's rule through the characters depicted in $\boxDr$Wangseja Chulgungdo$\boxUl$(The Painting for a Crown Prince's Outgoing for Schooling to Sungkyunkwan) the results were as follows: People wore their appropriate full dress ac-cording to the ceremonial procedures. In the case of a Crown Prince normally the wore Gongjungchaek(a hat) (after the coming-of-age ceremony Iksunkwan) and Gonryongpo(imperial clothes) to show his status as a Crown Prince. He wore chugkumbok(a Coat) to indicate a Crown Prince as being a student. on an occasion of celebration a Crown Prince wore Wonyugwan and Gangsapo to provide him with prestige and as a sign of respect for the occasion. The teacher of a Crown Prince also wore Gongbok and Sangbok accoding to the dress requirements of the ceremonies. We can confirm that the Gongbok system of all government officials had been main-tained in the late Chosun dynasty. We know that the form of ceremonies be-came simplified in the late Chosun dynasty. it was recorded that students had to wear Chungkumbok. but we knew from the painting that students actually wore Dopo(a traditonal korean coat). We knew through this painting that the court dress rules of the late Chosun dynasty varied that previously known. As we concluded above research on the his-tory of costume by analyzing paintings both supplements our knowledge of the topic and confirms the deficiency in the study of the his-tory of costume based solely upon literature and books.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.55 no.8 s.99
• /
• pp.57-72
• /
• 2005

Mongdueui(蒙頭衣) and mongduri(蒙頭里) in the Joseon dynasty was one of women's robe. The style of Mongdueui was same as Chinese baeja(褙子 $\cdot$ vest) having non-overlapping front opening with collar, This form was conformed through the wonsam excavated baeja from tomb of South Song dynasty. The basic construction was same as Joseon dynasty's except the collar. In the early Joseon dynasty the noble women wore Jangsam(長衫) as an outer wear, the common and lower class women wore Mongdueui, and the queen and royal household we baeja. The court lady wore baeja as well as Mongdueui for funeral ceremony. The style of women's robes was classified into two categories by the literature Byungwajip(甁窩集). The first was the hongjangsam(紅長衫長) in red for noble women. The other was the mongduri for the common lady. Whangchosam the outer wear of Jeongjaeyong(呈才女伶), a professional women entertainer, having non-overlapping front opening with collar, has been examined in the painting. And it had been evolved into the shaman's clothing in the last stage of Joseon dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.1
• /
• pp.184-203
• /
• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.