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Retrospective Study of Predictors of Bone Metastasis in Prostate Cancer Cases

  • Ho, Christopher Chee Kong;Seong, Poh Keat;Zainuddin, Zulkifli Md;Abdul Manaf, Mohd Rizal;Parameswaran, Muhilan;Razack, Azad H.A.
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.14 no.5
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    • pp.3289-3292
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    • 2013
  • Introduction: The purpose of this study was to identify clinical profiles of patients with low risk of having bone metastases, for which bone scanning could be safely eliminated. Materials and Methods: This retrospective cross sectional study looked at prostate cancer patients seen in the Urology Departments in 2 tertiary centres over the 11 year period starting from January 2000 to May 2011. Patient demographic data, levels of PSA at diagnosis, Gleason score for the biopsy core, T-staging as well as the lymph node status were recorded and analysed. Results: 258 men were included. The mean age of those 90 men (34.9%) with bone metastasis was $69.2{\pm}7.3$ years. Logistic regression found that PSA level (P=0.000) at diagnosis and patient's nodal-stage (P=0.02) were the only two independent variables able to predict the probability of bone metastasis among the newly diagnosed prostate cancer patients. Among thowse with a low PSA level less than 20ng/ml, and less than 10ng/ml, bone metastasis were detected in 10.3% (12 out of 117) and 9.7% (7 out of 72), respectively. However, by combining PSA level of 10ng/ml or lower, and nodal negative as the two criteria to predict negative bone scan, a relatively high negative predictive value of 93.8% was obtained. The probability of bone metastasis in prostate cancer can be calculated with this formula: -1.069+0.007(PSA value, ng/ml)+1.021(Nodal status, 0 or 1)=x Probability of bone metastasis=$2.718^x/1+2.718^x$. Conclusion: Newly diagnosed prostate cancer patients with a PSA level of 10ng/ml or lower and negative nodes have a very low risk of bone metastasis (negative predictive value 93.8%) and therefore bone scans may not be necessary.

Metabolic engineering of Lilium ${\times}$ formolongi using multiple genes of the carotenoid biosynthesis pathway

  • Azadi, Pejman;Otang, Ntui Valentaine;Chin, Dong Poh;Nakamura, Ikuo;Fujisawa, Masaki;Harada, Hisashi;Misawa, Norihiko;Mii, Masahiro
    • Plant Biotechnology Reports
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    • v.4 no.4
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    • pp.269-280
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    • 2010
  • Lilium ${\times}$ formolongi was genetically engineered by Agrobacterium-mediated transformation with the plasmid pCrtZW-N8idi-crtEBIY, which contains seven enzyme genes under the regulation of the CaMV 35S promoter. In the transformants, ketocarotenoids were detected in both calli and leaves, which showed a strong orange color. In transgenic calli, the total amount of carotenoids [133.3 ${\mu}g/g$ fresh weight (FW)] was 26.1-fold higher than in wild-type calli. The chlorophyll content and photosynthetic efficiency in transgenic orange plantlets were significantly lowered; however, after several months of subculture, they had turned into plantlets with green leaves that showed significant increases in chlorophyll and photosynthetic efficiency. The total carotenoid contents in leaves of transgenic orange and green plantlets were quantified at 102.9 and 135.2 ${\mu}g/g$ FW, respectively, corresponding to 5.6- and 7.4-fold increases over the levels in the wild-type. Ketocarotenoids such as echinenone, canthaxanthin, 3'-hydroxyechinenone, 3-hydroxyechinenone, and astaxanthin were detected in both transgenic calli and orange leaves. A significant change in the type and composition of ketocarotenoids was observed during the transition from orange transgenic plantlets to green plantlets. Although 3'-hydroxyechinenone, 3-hydroxyechinenone, astaxanthin, and adonirubin were absent, and echinenone and canthaxanthin were present at lower levels, interestingly, the upregulation of carotenoid biosynthesis led to an increase in the total carotenoid concentration (+31.4%) in leaves of the transgenic green plantlets.

Proposed Data-Driven Approach for Occupational Risk Management of Aircrew Fatigue

  • Seah, Benjamin Zhi Qiang;Gan, Wee Hoe;Wong, Sheau Hwa;Lim, Mei Ann;Goh, Poh Hui;Singh, Jarnail;Koh, David Soo Quee
    • Safety and Health at Work
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    • v.12 no.4
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    • pp.462-470
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    • 2021
  • Background: Fatigue is pervasive, under-reported, and potentially deadly where flight operations are concerned. The aviation industry appears to lack a standardized, practical, and easily replicable protocol for fatigue risk assessment which can be consistently applied across operators. Aim: Our paper sought to present a framework, supported by real-world data with subjective and objective parameters, to monitor aircrew fatigue and performance, and to determine the safe crew configuration for commercial airline operations. Methods: Our protocol identified risk factors for fatigue-induced performance degradation as triggers for fatigue risk and performance assessment. Using both subjective and objective measurements of sleep, fatigue, and performance in the form of instruments such as the Karolinska Sleepiness Scale, Samn-Perelli Crew Status Check, Psychomotor Vigilance Task, sleep logs, and a wearable actigraph for sleep log correlation and sleep duration and quality charting, a workflow flagging fatigue-prone flight operations for risk mitigation was developed and trialed. Results: In an operational study aimed at occupational assessment of fatigue and performance in airline pilots on a three-men crew versus a four-men crew for a long-haul flight, we affirmed the technical feasibility of our proposed framework and approach, the validity of the battery of assessment instruments, and the meaningful interpretation of fatigue and work performance indicators to enable the formulation of safe work recommendations. Conclusion: A standardized occupational assessment protocol like ours is useful to achieve consistency and objectivity in the occupational assessment of fatigue and work performance.

Short-term comparative outcomes between reverse shoulder arthroplasty for shoulder trauma and shoulder arthritis: a Southeast Asian experience

  • Ng, Julia Poh Hwee;Tham, Sherlyn Yen Yu;Kolla, Saketh;Kwan, Yiu Hin;Tan, James Chung Hui;Teo, Timothy Wei Wen;Wee, Andy Teck Huat;Toon, Dong Hao
    • Clinics in Shoulder and Elbow
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.210-216
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    • 2022
  • Background: Reverse shoulder arthroplasty (RSA), first introduced as a management option for cuff tear arthropathy, is now an accepted treatment for complex proximal humeral fractures. Few studies have identified whether the outcomes of RSA for shoulder trauma are comparable to those of RSA for shoulder arthritis. Methods: This is a retrospective, single-institution cohort study of all patients who underwent RSA at our institution between January 2013 and December 2019. In total, 49 patients met the inclusion criteria. As outcomes, we evaluated the 1-year American Shoulder and Elbow Surgeons (ASES) and Constant shoulder scores, postoperative shoulder range of motion, intra- and postoperative complications, and cumulative revision rate. The patients were grouped based on preoperative diagnosis to compare postoperative outcomes across two broad groups. Results: The median follow-up period was 32.8 months (interquartile range, 12.6-66.6 months). The 1-year visual analog scale, range of motion, and Constant and ASES functional scores were comparable between RSAs performed to treat shoulder trauma and that performed for arthritis. The overall complication rate was 20.4%, with patients with a preoperative diagnosis of arthritis having significantly more complications than those with a preoperative diagnosis of trauma (34.8% vs. 7.7%). Conclusions: Patients who underwent RSA due to a proximal humeral fracture or dislocation did not fare worse than those who underwent RSA for arthritis at 1 year, in terms of both functional and radiological outcomes.

Impact of Healthy Eating Practices and Physical Activity on Quality of Life among Breast Cancer survivors

  • Mohammadi, Shooka;Sulaiman, Suhaina;Koon, Poh Bee;Amani, Reza;Hosseini, Seyed Mohammad
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.481-487
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    • 2013
  • Following breast cancer diagnosis, women often attempt to modify their lifestyles to improve their health and prevent recurrence. These behavioral changes typically involve diet and physical activity modification. The aim of this study was to determine association between healthy eating habits and physical activity with quality of life among Iranian breast cancer survivors. A total of 100 Iranian women, aged between 32 to 61 years were recruited to participate in this cross-sectional study. Eating practices were evaluated by a validated questionnaire modified from the Women's Healthy Eating and Living (WHEL) study. Physical activity was assessed using the International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ). A standardized questionnaire by the European Organization of Research and Treatment of Cancer Quality of Life and its breast cancer module (EORTC QLQ-C30/+BR-23) were applied to determine quality of life. Approximately 29% of the cancer survivors were categorized as having healthy eating practices, 34% had moderate eating practices and 37% had poor eating practices based on nutrition guidelines. The study found positive changes in the decreased intake of fast foods (90%), red meat (70%) and increased intake of fruits (85%) and vegetables (78%). Generally, breast cancer survivors with healthy eating practices had better global quality of life, social, emotional, cognitive and role functions. Results showed that only 12 women (12%) met the criteria for regular vigorous exercise, 22% had regular moderate-intensity exercise while the majority (65%) had low-intensity physical activity. Breast cancer survivors with higher level of physical activity had better emotional and cognitive functions. Healthy eating practices and physical activity can improve quality of life of cancer survivors. Health care professionals should promote good dietary habits and physical activity to improve survivor's health and quality of life.

A Study of People's Lives and Traditional Costumes in Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대 사람들의 삶과 전통의상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choi Kyu-Seong
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.12 no.6 s.53
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    • pp.1060-1069
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    • 2004
  • We can study and judge the costumes of the Three Kingdom period through an ancient tomb murals and various burial mound(clay) figures, however, it is quite difficult to search for costumes of the Goryeo period ($960{\sim}1392$), because dresses from this era were rarely found, related antiquities are limited and hard to survive. This is the reason why people say that the Goryeo Dynasty is the period of undiscovered era for its history of costumes in Korea. Fortunately, these days, there are various kinds of buddhist statues discovered with its burial accessories such as costumes and dyed fabrics of the Goryeo era. Through these, we can glimpse through the Goryeo cloths and develop our researches on this field. In addition, a man called Seo Geung(서긍, the Chinese scholar Xu Jing) wrote a book in the 12th century about peoples lives in Goryeo and in this book, there are few documents about the people's costumes which help us to understand the period's traditional dresses. In this paper, we will look for the traditional costumes which were formed and developed through people's lives in Goryeo, using remains from various burial accessories in buddhist statues as well as the documents related to the costumes written in ${\ll}$Goryeosa 고려사${\gg}$. Moreover, costumes of a period usually developed and influenced by the atmosphere of people's lives both economically and mentally, therefore, in this study, we will especially focus on the dresses of the bureaucratic officials and their wives, who led comfortable lives and latitude of mind. Through the records, like Silla, Goryeo exported Sehjeo(세저) and Sehjoongmapo(세중마포) to China. And we found out that Silla's skillful weaving techniques of hemp and ramie cloths were succeeded to Goryeo. According to above facts, Goryeo people made clothes with various kinds of fabrics such as, different sorts of silks, ramie, hemp cloths and cottons. They also have very skillful manufacturing techniques for certain textiles. Their official robes were generally influenced by Tang and Song Dynasty, but, like ordinary people, we found out that the government officials also wore baji(pants) and a jeogor(jacket), which were traditional costumes since the Unified Silla Kingdom with various coats. Especially, women's costumes such as jeoksam(unlined summer jacket) and hansam(한삼), which are sort of jeogori(jacket), baji(pants) and chima(skirts) were made of various kinds of silks and ramie cloths, that were generated from the Goguryeo Kingdom, with jikryeongpo(a long jacket and striped skirt).

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Study on Sacrifice Food of Bulchunwi Sacrificial Ceremony in Sangju Area (상주지역의 불천위제사 제수문화에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Gwi-Young;Kim, Bo-Ram;Park, Mo-Ra
    • Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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    • v.25 no.5
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    • pp.739-751
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    • 2015
  • This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

A study on the origination and transmission of Koh(袴) in Northeast Asia-from the 4th century to 7th century (동북아세아(東北亞細亞) 고(袴)의 발생(發生) 및 전파(傳播)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - $4{\sim}7$세기(世紀) 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Kyung-Ja;Lee, Jean-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.15
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    • pp.177-194
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    • 1990
  • Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

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The Studies on the Physiological Active Substances of Mugwort Components for the Utilization to the Foods of Animal Husbandry (축산식품에 이용하기 위한 쑥 성분중의 생리활성에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Chi-Ho
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society for Food Science of Animal Resources Conference
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    • 1998.05a
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    • pp.37-54
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    • 1998
  • This study was conducted to investigate the effects of mugwort extracts on the blood ethanol concentration, liver function and low level of cadmuim(Cd) in rats. The effects of mugwort extracts on the blood ethanol concentration was studied in Sprague-Dawley rats (10 weeks old) administered p.o. with 25% ethanol (5g/1kg body weight) and then injected with mugwort extracts (at the 2% levels of daily feed consumption compared with the concentration of catechins level in mugwort extracts) in caudal vein. SD rats were divided into five groups : control group (CON-E, only ethanol and 0.85% saline sol'n treated instead of each extracts), water extracts of mugwort treated to the control (MDW-E), ethanol extracts of mugwort treated to the control (POH-E). And then rat plasma of each time (0hr, 1hr, 2hr, 3hr) was investigated ethanol concentration by gas chromatography. Another rats were measured at the time of 0 and 5hr for the test of GOD(Glutamic Oxaloacetic Transaminase) and GPT(Glutamic Pyruvic Transaminase). Components of each extracts were analyzed by using high performance liquid chromatography. The effects of mugwort extracts on the liver function were studied in culture of rat hepatocyte composed of three groups : Control group and two groups treated with each extracts (1% & 2% MDW, 1% & 2% MOH). Condition of rat hepatocytes cultured for 36hr at $37^{\circ}C$(5% $CO_2$ incubator), number of cells, GOT and GPT activity were investigated. The results obtained were summarized as follows ; 1. Catechins level of mugwort extracts was $8{\sim}10mg/100g(MDW)$, $3{\sim}4mg/100g(MOH)$ 2. The contents of (-)-Epigallocatechin was high in MDW 3. The effects of mugwort extracts on the blood ethanol concentration were as follows; 1) The order in ethanol degradation efficiency was MDW-E > MOH-E > CON-E. 2) Ethanol concentration significantly decreased (p<0.05) in MDW-E and MOH-E. 4. The effects of mugwort extracts on the liver function were as follows; (rat hepatocytes cultured for 36hr at $37^{\circ}C$) 1) Cells condition of MDW-L was better than other groups. 2) The order in number of cells (rat hepatocytes) was 2% MDW-L >1% MDW-L >1% MOH-L > Con-L > 2% MOH-L 5. Cd treatment increased concentrations of hepatic GSH level, and decreased GOT activity in plasma. Therefore, this results suggest that the effects of mugwort extracts may an important rols in degradation ethanol and recovery liver function in body. Also, Mugwort extracts may modify the toxicities of Cd in Cd-treated rats and play an important roles in preventing the liver from various toxicants including Cd in Cd treated rats.

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