• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.9
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• pp.125-147
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• 1968

This experiment was carried out as a part of the studies on reasonable application of nitrogen in rice plant to determine: (I) Nitrogen absorption. and rooting of rice seedlings as affected by urea foliar application at late seedling stage (II) Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice (III) Effect of foliar application of urea and its time during the stage of ear formation on yield of rice plant. Results obtained are summarized as follows. Exp.I: Nitrogen absorption and rooting of rice seedlings as affected be urea foliar application at late seedling stage. 1 : The foliar application of urea plots$(T_{1},T_2)$ snowed mare N-content than non-urea foliar application plot(T0) at lane seedling stage, being significant among treatments and foliar application of urea seemed more effective in increasing the N-content of seedlings. and promoted root settlement and early growth alter the transplanting. 2 : The carbon contents of the plants of $T_1$, and $T_2$ at late seedling stage increased than T0, and the carbon contents. of $T_1$ and $T_2$ plots became higher in amount in proportion to the nitrogen absorption as compared with those of $T_0$. 3 : C/N ratio appeared significant among soil application plots($N_1, \;N_2$) and foliar application of urea plots ($T_1$, $T_2$ and $T_0$). C/N ratio was lower in case of increased amount of nitrogen. The higher contents of nitrogen and carbon and lower C/N ratio resulted in the increment of root numbers and root lengths. Exp.II: Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice. 1 : There was a highly significant decrease in the maturing rate by severe leaf prunning. In the mean time, significant increase in maturing rate was observed with urea foliar application and it was found the more frequent application the more effective for higher maturing rate with a moderate significance. A correlationship between the level of prunning and maturing rate was enumerated to 0.961 of correlation coefficient, which indicated an increased maturing rate by the increased number of remaining leaves. 2 : The 1.000 grain weight, grain weight and hulled rice yield increased by leaf prunning in order (plot a$A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 89.8%, 89.4%, 87.8% and 87.5% respectively, showing the highest of rate in $A_1$ and $A_3$ in methods of ear fertilization and being highly significant between its treatment. 3 : 1000 grain weights were highly significant between time of application, showing a tendency of increase of weights with the time lagging until days before earings as that of maturing rates. High significance was recognized between methods of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $A_2$ 23.18 gr. 4 : Yields per $3.3m^2$ were not significant between time of ear fertilization, whereas were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.486 kg, 1.491 kg, 1.381 kg and 1.328 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_3$. 5 : Hulling ratios showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_2$, whereas those of methods of ear fertilization were highly significant between its treatment, Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 84.72%, 84.06%, 83.29%, and 82.56% respectively, showing the highest m $A_2$ and $A_3$ among others. 6 : Yields of hulled rice per $3.3m^2$ showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_1$ 1.192 kg. Whereas, those were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.259 kg, 1.254 kg, 1.149 kg and 1.095 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_2$. 7 : Contents of nitrogen on rice plant increased in case of nitrogen application as ear fertilizer and showed that the case of urea foliar application was more effective than that of soil application, showing the increased nitrogen content of rice plant was accompanied by carbon content.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.93-114
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• 1978

The purpose of the study was to find out possible ways for increasing farm income through the sheep and Korean native goats farming, and to investigate meat productivity, wool productivity; woolskin utility, physiological characteristics and correlation between economical college animal farm of the Chungnam National University and sample farms in the suburbs of Dae jeon City were selected for feeding 20 heads of Corriedale wethers and another 20 heads Korean native kids as research materials for the periods of 5th May-26th November, 1977. The data such as growth rate, carcass, viscera weight, blood picture and plamsa components, hebage intake and economic traits were obtained and analysed. The result of the study are summarized as follows: 1. Meat production and quality 1) After 196days of feeding, the body weight of sheep and Korean native goats was increased by two times of those at the beginning of the trial, i.e. 20kg and 8kg respectively. 2) There was no significance of growth rates of sheep in housing and grazing. 3) The growth rate of Korean native goats were excellent at the mountainous areas of Gong ju-Gun where infectious diseases were not found 4) Accroding to the body measurements of 18-month-old sheep, percentages of hip height, body length, rump length, chest depth, chest width, hip width, chest girth and forearm circumference to the withers height were 103,%, 104%, 33%, 44%, 31%, 23%, 135% and 15% respectively, and those of hip height, body length, chest depth and chest girth of 8-month-old native goats to the withers height were 106%, 109%, 46% and 122,% respecitively. As a result, it was found that the percentage of hip height, body length and chest depth of Korean native goats were higher than those of sheep while that of the chest girth of goats was lower. 5) In the carcass data, 47, $52{\pm}2.27%$ of carcass percentage, $34.61{\pm}1.62%$ of lean meat, $26.07{\pm}2.51%$ of viscera, $9.75{\pm}1.4%$ of bone, and $20.95%{\pm}2.14%$ of woolskin for sheep, and $45.58{\pm}5.63%$ of carcass percentage, $27.62{\p}3.81%$ of meat, $34.86{\pm}4.16%$ of viscera, $11.66{\pm}1.83%$ of bone, $3.63{\pm}1.61%$ of skull and $9.26{\pm}2.41%$ of woolskin for native goats were obtained. 6) The contents of moisture, crude protein, crude fat and crude ash in native goat meat were much similar in both plots of housing and grazing. It was, however, known that the contents of moisture and protein were higher in grazinrg than in housing, while fat content was lower in grazing plots. 7) The weights of visceral organs shown similar tendency for both of sheep and native goats. For the weights of liver, heart, kidney and spleen, significance was not reconized among the treatments. Those of rumen, reticulum, small and large intestine were heavier in grazing than in housing, while the amount of visceral fat was heavier in housing. 2. Wool productivity and woolskin 1) The wool production of sheep for 7 months was $3.88{\pm}1.02kg$, and wool percentage, staple length, straighten length, wool growth per day and number of crimps were $9.27{\pm}1.48%$, 8. $47{\pm}1.00cm$, $10.63{\pm}0.99cm$, $0.40{\pm}0.04cm$ and $2.78{\pm}0.40$ respecitively. 2) The tensile strength and tear strength of woolskin treated by alum tanning were highest on the skin obtained from rump, i.e. $1,351kg/mm^2$ and $2,252kg/mm^2$ respectively, and they are in order of loin and shoulder. 3. Utilization and improvement of pasture. 1) The difference of herbage intake of native goats was not recognized between grazing and tethering, but the intake in the afternoon was s lightly higher than that in the morning. However the hervage intake of sheep was superior in grazing and in the afternoon. 2) The cultivation effect was lower in the native goat plots due to their cultivation abilities, in other words, the establishment rates of pasture by hoof cultivation were 60.25% in the goat plots and 77.35% in the sheep plots. 4. Correlation among economical traits. 1) The correlation between live weight of sheep and daily gain was higher. On the other hand, the correlation between other traits was not significant except that live weight, daily gain and lean meat percentage to the length of thoracic vertebrae. The live weight of native goats and meat production were highly correlated, and high correlation was also found between weights of carcass and meat. However, negative correlation was shown between viscera weight and live weight as well as daily gain. 2) The correlatoin between fleece weight of sheep and other traits such as live weight, daily gain and fleece percentage is very high at the 1% siginficant level, and this means that rapid-growth individuals can produce much fleece. 3) The correlation between the factors such as weights of live body, lean meat and viscera of sheep and body measurements, i. e. chest girth and body length was highest, and weights, of carcass and lean meat was highly correlated to chest width and depth. It will be therefore reasonable that the meat productivity estimates will have to be made on the basis of chest girth and body length. The meat production traits of native goats were highly correlated to the most of body measurement data, and the correlation coefficient between chest girth and weights of live body, carcass, lean meat and bone percentage was very high, i. e. 0.992-0.974 in particular. The correlations of meat production traits to chest depth, forearm circumference, body length were 0.759-0.911, 0.759-0.909 and 0.708-0.872 respectively. Therefore, the meat production of native goats will have to be estimated on the basis of chest data. 5. Blood picture and plasma components. 1) The number of erythrocyte and MCHC of native goats were $12.93{\times}10^6/mm^3$ and 36.14%, and those of sheep were $10.68{\times}10^6/mm^3$ and 36.26 respectively. The values of native goats were significantly higher than those of sheep. 2) The hemoglobin concentration, PVC, MCV and MCR of native goats were 10.92 g/100ml, $23.40{\mu}^3$ and 10.94 pg, and those of sheep were 11.73 g/100ml, 36.25 ml/100ml, $33.97{\mu}^3$ and 30.2 ml/100ml 8.43 pg respectively. The values of native goats were significantly lower those of sheep. 3) The number of leukocytes of native goats was significantly higher than that of sheep, that is, $11.64{\times}10^3/mm^3$ in native goats and $9.32{\times}10^3/mm^3$ in sheep. 4) In differential count of leukocyte, neutrophil was significantly high in native goats while lympocyte in sheep. On the other hand, the basophil, eosinophil and monocyte were not significant between native goats and sheep. 5) The amounts of total protein and glucose in the plasma of native goats were 6.2g/100ml and 53.6mg/100ml, and those of sheep were 5.6g/100ml and 45.7mg/100ml, which means that the values of native goats were significantly higher that those of sheep. The amount of total-lipid of native goats(127.6mg/100ml) was significantly than that of sheep(149.6mg/100ml). 6) The amount of non-protein nitrogen, cholesterol, Ca, P, K, Na and Cl were not different between native goats and sheep. 6. Economic analysis. 1) The gross revenue of a farm which fed native goats and sheep was 4,000won per head and the optimum size for feeding them in a farm as a subsidiary work is 5-10 heads. 2) Since there was no difference between housing and grazing, they can be fed in group for farm's subsidiary work. 3) They can be also fed by youths and house wives in the suburbs of cities, because labour requirement is estimated as only two hours per days for feeding 5 heads of native goats and sheep.