• 제목/요약/키워드: One Belt, One Road

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'일대일로' 하에 중국 허난성의 지역 경제 활성화 방안에 관한 연구 - '5 지역'과 '4 로'를 중심으로 (A Study on the Regional Economic Revitalization Plan in Henan Province, China under 'One Belt and One Road' - Focusing on '5 Region' and '4 Road')

  • 왕콘;장일주;배기형
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제21권8호
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    • pp.424-441
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구의 목적은 중국 '일대일로'와 세계 주요국과 중국 선진지역의 산업 협력과 관련된 발전 경험을 정리함으로써 허난성의 지리 위치를 결합하여 '5 지역'과 '4로' 발전 현황을 분석하며 문제점을 제시하고 중국 내륙의 대외개방과 협동 발전을 위한 활성화 방안을 제시하고자 있다. '5 지역'과 '4로' 발전 현황에 따른 문제점은 다음과 같다. 첫째, '5 지역'과 '4로'로 인한 우위가 충분히 활용되지 못하고 있다. 둘째, 협력 체제가 아직 완전하지 않다. 셋째, 지역을 아우르는 종합적인 교통 시스템 체계가 미흡하다. 넷째, 산업에 대한 국가적 지원이 부족하다. 다섯째, 인프라가 미래 발전수요를 만족시키지 않는다. 이상 문제점에 관한 본 연구의 활성화 방안은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 최상층 전략 플랫폼을 구축하고 정책 지원 체계를 보완해야 한다. 둘째, '4로'의 우위를 향상하며 협력 발전을 가속화 해야 한다. 셋째, 조화로운 공조 체제를 설립하고 산업 클러스터의 협력 효과를 일으켜야 한다. 본 연구는 '일대일로' 정책 발전 예측에 필요한 참고자료와 중국 내륙의 허난 지역 활성화 방안의 시사점을 제공하는 데 있다.

일대일로 참여국가에 대한 중국의 무역 의존성 분석과 시사점 (Analysis of China's trade dependency on the countries participating in the Belt and Road initiative)

  • 송민근
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제15권9호
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    • pp.189-200
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    • 2017
  • 본 연구는 중국과 일대일로 사업에 참여하고 있는 국가들의 상호간 무역 의존성을 분석하여 특징과 시사점을 제시하는 것을 연구의 목적으로 하였다. 연구방법으로는 국제통화기금(IMF)과 중국 국가통계국(NBS)에서 각각 200여 국가에 대한 수출입 및 GDP자료를 수집하고 90년대부터 2015년까지 추이를 살폈으며, 무역의존도에서 단방향이 아닌 양방향의 상호 의존성을 분석했다. 개별 국가 GDP에서 중국 무역의존도가 15%이상으로 매우 높은 국가들이 34개국 이상이며, 중국대외 무역에서 미국 및 일본에 대한 수출입 비중이 낮아지고, 중동, 남아프리카, 남미, 동남아시아 등 지역에 대한 비중이 높아지고 있다. 또한, 중국은 일대일로에 참여하는 국가그룹에 대해서 90년대부터 현재까지 약 60% 내외의 수출입비중과 2~30%수준의 무역의존도를 보이고 있다. 일대일로 사업이 본격화되고 있는 시점에서 본 연구는 일대일로 사업 환경 및 중국을 둘러싼 국가들의 무역 관계에 대한 이해, 대응방안 수립 등의 관점에서 의의를 가질 것이며, 일대일로 사업이 진행됨에 따라 주요 국가와 중국의 상호 간 무역 의존성은 더욱 심화될 것으로 예상된다.

중국 기업의 일대일로 국가에 대한 해외직접투자 패턴 변화에 관한 실증연구 (Empirical Analysis of the Changes in the Patterns of Chinese Firms' Outward Foreign Direct Investment in the Belt and Road Initiative Countries)

  • 나원찬;김주권
    • 무역학회지
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    • 제47권6호
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    • pp.307-333
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    • 2022
  • In recent years, the outward foreign direct investment (oFDI) in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by Chinese companies has significantly increased in size and changed in content. However, changes in the oFDI patterns between the pre- and post-BRI periods have not received sufficient attention from academia despite their theoretical and strategic significance. This paper reviewed existing research to establish seven hypotheses on changes in the oFDI patterns of Chinese companies investing in BRI countries and conducted empirical analyses to test the hypotheses using secondary data. The results showed that after the BRI agreement, Chinese oFDI in BRI countries was more active in less economically and less institutionally developed countries, that the oFDI by privately-owned enterprises (POEs) increased more than that of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and that SOEs were more active in the social overhead capital (SOC) area while POEs were more active in the non-SOC area. The paper concludes with a summary, implications, and future research directions.

유라시아 이니셔티브와 환동해권 전략 (Eurasia Initiative and East Sea Rim Maritime Community)

  • 강태호
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권37호
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    • pp.144-176
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    • 2015
  • In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

中国国际商事仲裁的历史沿革, 现状及发展趋势 (The History, Status and Future of International Commercial Arbitration in China)

  • 김추;김용길
    • 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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    • 제27권4호
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    • pp.73-90
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    • 2017
  • After the conclusion of the $18^{th}$ CPCNationalCongress, the Shanghai Free Trade Zone was established, and the One Belt One Road Initiative was brought up. These measures accelerate the development of international commercial activities as related disputes grow in variety and quantity. To better settle international commercial disputes and increase the influence of China in this area, this article reviews and analyzes the development of international commercial arbitration in China. In the conclusion part, it gives suggestions for international commercial arbitration in China in order to improve and accelerate the further development of international commercial arbitration in China.

Research Trends of 'One Belt One Road' in Korean Academic Circles

  • Tu, Bo;Shi, Jin;You, Nan;Tu, Huazhong
    • Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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    • 제8권4호
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    • pp.40-54
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    • 2020
  • This proposed work aims to understand the Korean Academic Circle (KAC)'s research trend on the "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) by employing a quantitative analysis of the recent research articles published by the KAC. To do so, this proposed research has used the well-known network analysis software, Ucinet 6, by which the papers on related topics are collected and filtered from Korea Citation Index. To perform the analytical selection, the proposed work has chosen 'keywords' as the core research object and performed analysis from transverse to longitudinal aspects, and from holistic to individual aspects, respectively; and from this, the KAC's research trend on OBOR is derived. The present work has established that the KAC's attention is continuously increasing on OBOR and has sustainability. Centered on the OBOR, Korean researchers have spread their studies in various dimensions ranging from the issues like China's political economy to Sino-Korea economic and trade exchanges, and so on. The KAC has even combined OBOR with Korea's international development initiatives, which can help Korea benefit from active and sustainable cooperation with China. Moreover, the proposed work has found that Korean researchers have also actively expressed their growing attention, highlighted Korea's interest, and showed concern about China hegemony and Sinocentrism in their recent documented research works.

'일대일로' 연선국가의 국가 리스크가 중국 해외직접투자에 미치는 영향 (Impact of Country Risks in Countries along the 'One Belt and One Road' on China's Overseas Direct Investment)

  • 이충배;이종철;서용강
    • 무역학회지
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    • 제46권3호
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    • pp.119-133
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    • 2021
  • After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

"일대일로(一帶一路)" 전략 아래의 중의약(中醫藥) 해외 전파의 현실적인 딜레마와 대책 (The Predicament and The Solutions to Overseas Dissemination of Chinese Medical Culture Under the Background of "The Belt and Road")

  • 왕관은
    • 국제교류와 융합교육
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.77-86
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    • 2023
  • "일대일로" 전략을 세운 이래 중국은 중의약(中醫藥)을 해외에 보급하였고 더불어 중의약 교육 및 중의약 문화의 현대화라는 큰 성과를 거두었다. 그러나 중의약의 해외 보급 및 발전은 여전히 중국의 문화 강대국으로 발전시키고자 하는 국가의 전략적 요구와 중의약의 역사적 사명 사이의 격차가 여전히 존재하고 있다. 특히, 중의약의 문화 이론, 해외 전파 방식, 전문용어 번역 등에는 여전히 어려움과 이를 해결하고자 하는 도전은 여전히 잔존하고 있다. "일대일로" 전략의 맥락에서 중의약 종사자는 문화적 이상과 자신감을 강화하여야 한다. 또한 중의약 이론의 대중화를 미디어를 충분히 이용하여 강화하여야 한다. 더불어 중의약의 해외 보급 수단을 개선하고, 다문화 언어 교류를 가속화 해야 한다. 이에 중의약 문화의 혁신을 의사 소통 실천으로 실현하고 중의약의 대외 교류와 협력을 강화하며 중의약의 해외 발전을 촉진할 것을 제언하였다.

중국의 해양강국 및 일대일로 구상과 미래 한·중 협력 전망 (Implications of China's Maritime Power and BRI : Future China- ROK Strategic Cooperative Partnership Relations)

  • 윤석준
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권37호
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    • pp.104-143
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    • 2015
  • China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

중국의 문화전략과 차문화 전파 공간 고찰

  • 조병환
    • 중국학논총
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    • 제63호
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    • pp.225-249
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    • 2019
  • 中国在对外开放的基础上, 正在构建新的文化强国梦, 从而在此基础上推进国家政策. 特别是中国政府推进的"一带一路"政策, 继承和发展古代丝绸之路的传统所形成的共商, 共建, 共享原则, 以和平合作, 开放包容, 互学互鉴, 互利共赢的宗旨为基础, 通过对古代丝绸之路的再造和重组, 形成新的模式, 在中国与相关国家之间搭建有效的合作平台. 为此, 以习近平为核心的领导层为实现中华民族复兴的梦想, 打造文化强国之路, 不断强化致力于拓展中国文化对外传播与交流的软实力. 保留和传承了数千年的中国茶文化, 堪称中国文化对外传播与交流的代表性标志, 因而成为促进中国的文化强国梦以及拓展文化战略的重要文化资源. 在此, 本文考察中国领导层的文化强国梦以及"一带一路"战略中的文化策略, 通过分析中国茶文化对外交流的历史, 探讨其文化内涵, 审视在"一带一路"战略的文化链上, 茶文化所能够发挥的重要媒介作用和文化传播力量.