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A study on the changes of the Screen quota system as a Film policy in Korea (한국의 영화정책과 스크린 쿼터제의 변천에 대한 연구)

  • Cho, Hee-Moon
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.7 no.5
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    • pp.982-991
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    • 2006
  • The screen quota system is one of the most controversial issues in the Korean film industry. There are two different points of view regarding the system. Some say it is highly effective to protect and nurture Korean movies. However, others argue that it hurts the duality of the Korean movies. The number of days, for which Korean movies have to play on local screens, has been reduced to 73, starting on July 1st, 2006. Actually, it is 50 percent fewer than the previous year. In facL Korea has implemented the screen quota. system two times. First, it was practiced from 1935 to 1945, during the Japanese colonial period. This was to regulate imported movies, especially American ones, as the Japanese government was to use movies for the political propaganda. In 1935, the number of foreign movies screened had to be less than three fourths of the total. And they gradually reduced the size by two thirds in 1936, and again by half in 1937. After the attack on Pearl Harbor when the Pacific War happened, Japan completely banned importing American movies in Korea. The reason why it regulated the imported foreign films is to increase the number of domestic movies, both Japanese and Korean. It was for making propaganda films fur carrying the war. The second practice of the screen quota is from 1967 to the present year. It was designed to boom the Korean film industry. However, the competitive power of Korean films has not been improved in spite of the practice of the system. Moreover, the film industry has gone through the depression. Korean film agencies have occupied the Korean film market thanks to the protection by government. The founding of the film agencies has been strongly regulated. So has importing foreign movies. Under the special protection like this, Korean film agencies have been enjoying the monopoly In the mean time, they have pursued income not by making quality movies but by importing foreign movies. As a result, cinema audiences turn away form Korean films and prefer foreign movies. Furthermore, the screen quota system hurts the relationship between film producers and distributors, imposing the duties only on theaters. In short, the screen quota system has satisfied neither film producers, theater runners, nor film goers. In other words. the excessive protection has weakened the competitive power of Korean film industry.

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The Ecological Values of the Korean Demilitarized Zone(DMZ) and International Natural Protected Areas (비무장지대(DMZ)의 생태적 가치와 국제자연보호지역)

  • Cho, Do-soon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.1
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    • pp.272-287
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    • 2019
  • The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) was established in 1953 by the Korean War Armistice Agreement. It extends from the estuary of the Imjin River, in the west, to the coast of the East Sea. It is 4 km in width and 148 km in length. However, the ecosystems of the civilian control zone (CCZ) located between the southern border of the DMZ and the civilian control line (CCL) and the CCZ in the estuary of the Han River and the Yellow Sea are similar to those in the DMZ, and, therefore, the ecosystems of the DMZ and the CCZ are collectively known as the "ecosystems of the DMZ and its vicinities." The flora in the DMZ and its vicinities is composed of 1,864 species, which accounts for about 42% of all the vascular plant species on the Korean Peninsula and its affiliated islands. Conducting a detailed survey on the vegetation, flora, and fauna in the DMZ is almost impossible due to the presence of landmines and limitations on the time allowed to be spent in the DMZ. However, to assess the environmental impact of the Munsan-Gaesong railroad reconstruction project, it was possible to undertake a limited vegetation survey within the DMZ in 2001. The vegetation in Jangdan-myeon, in Paju City within the DMZ, was very simple. It was mostly secondary forests dominated by oaks such as Quercus mongolica, Q. acutissima, and Q. variabilis. The other half of the DMZ in Jangdan-myeon was occupied by grassland composed of tall grasses such as Miscanthus sinensis, M. sacchariflorus, and Phragmites japonica. Contrary to the expectation that the DMZ may be covered with pristine mature forests due to more than 60 years of no human interference, the vegetation in the DMZ was composed of simple secondary forests and grasslands formed on former rice paddies and agricultural fields. At present, the only legal protection system planned for the DMZ is the Natural Environment Conservation Act, which ensures that the DMZ would be managed as a nature reserve for only two years following Korean reunification. Therefore, firstly, the DMZ should be designated as a site of domestic legally protected areas such as nature reserve (natural monument), scenic site, national park, etc. In addition, we need to try to designate the DMZ as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve or as a World Heritage site, or as a Ramsar international wetland for international cooperation. For nomination as a world heritage site, we can emphasize the ecological and landscape value of the wetlands converted from the former rice paddies and the secondary forests maintained by frequent fires initiated by military activities. If the two Koreas unexpectedly reunite without any measures in place for the protection of nature in the DMZ, the conditions prior to the Korean War, such as rice paddies and villages, will return. In order to maintain the current condition of the ecosystems in the DMZ, we have to discuss and prepare for measures including the retention of mines and barbed-wire fences, the construction of roads and railroads in the form of tunnels or bridges, and the maintenance of the current fire regime in the DMZ.

Types of Scenic Sites of State-Designated Cultural Property and Relationship between Pal-Kyung and Doncheon-Gugok (국가 지정 문화재 '명승'의 유형과 팔경(八景), 동천구곡(洞天九曲)과의 연관성)

  • Rho, Jae Hyun;Shin, Sang Sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.128-159
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    • 2010
  • In this study, the progress of domestic cultural properties designation, the changes and problems in classification were examined, and the relationship among Traditional Pal-kyung, Dongcheon-gukok, and Modern Pal-kyung were investigated targeting total of 68 cases of state-designated cultural properties of scenic sites in order to show that the traditional significance and value are being inherited today. The major results of this study are as follows. First, increase in scenic site designations with historical, cultural, and scenic characteristics can be viewed as an active intent to embrace the concepts such as cultural utilities, historical characteristics, literary value, and ideological backgrounds, which were specified as the basis for designation in the early Cultural Property Protection Law. Accordingly, it is very encouraging that the concept of cultural attractions such as traditional gardens and observatory points are regarded as an important standard for designation of scenic sites. Second, as for the classification of scenic sites per type, it was found that 'places with excellent natural scenery' were 44.16%(30 cases), followed by 'famous buildings or gardens and places with important legend' occupying 30.9%(21 cases), 'places with famous scenery' occupying 13.2%(9 cases), 'places with outstanding historical cultural and scenic value' that occupying 10.3%(7 cases), and 'animal and vegetation habitat with beautiful scenery' (1 case). Third, according to the current classification standards for scenic sites, there were only 7 cases which could be classified into Pal-kyungs(Famous 8 Sceneries) and 3 cases classified into Dongcheon(beautiful scenery surrounded by mountains and rivers), but there was no Gugok(beautiful valleys). Consequently, in terms of external appearance, the scenic sites among the total scenic sites that could be classified into Palkyung and Gugok were only 14.7%(10 cases). Fourth, the traditional scenic sites based on literal references and Internet analysis occupied 67.7%(46 cases), which were found to be scenic sites related to the traditional Pal-kyung among which 38 cases(55.9% of 46 cases) were included based on the scenery and 8 cases(11.8% of 46 cases) were included due to the scenery at the time. Fifth, there were 8(11.8%) scenic sites which were related to Dongcheon, and 4 cases(5.9%) related to Gugok. Also, it was found that total of 40(48.9%) scenic sites designated as modern scenic sites were playing the role of local scenic sites, and they were used as the tourism advertising contents. Sixth, it was identified that there were 62 cases(91.2%) of scenic sites in total related to traditional and modern Pal-kyung or Dongcheon-gugok, and unlike explicit classifications, most of the designated scenic sites were found to be deeply connected with the historical and cultural significance contained in the scenaries.

The Origin and Philosophy of the "Northerners School(北人)," and their Perception of the world (북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식)

  • Shin, Byung Ju
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.43-78
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    • 2011
  • The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

A Study on the System of Private Investigation

  • Park, Jong-Ryeol;Noe, Sang-Ouk
    • Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.167-174
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    • 2022
  • Since the Promotion Committee was established on March 25, 2021, urging the enactment of the Detective Business Act, many opinions and attention from all walks of life have been gathered. The Detective Business system, which is also one of the presidential pledges of the current 19th President Moon Jae In, is expected to be significant in that it can promote the development of a welfare state as well as efficient parts such as meeting the demand for security reinforcement services, improving the judicial system, and enhancing internationalization. In accordance with the consensus of the nine judges of the Constitutional Court that the lower part of Article 40 of the "Act on the Use and Protection of Credit Information" which prohibits the use of similar names such as investigating the general life of certain people does not violate the Constitution, detective work became possible regardless of the general life investigation. In particular, the detective job officially appeared on August 5, 2020, and it will be able to provide effective work services to the public by competing with prosecutors, police, and lawyers who have occupied exclusive positions in the field of a criminal investigations. However, although the role of detectives is gradually expanding and society is rapidly changing, illegal activities are prevalent throughout society, and more than 1,600 companies are currently operating suspiciously using the only name of "detectives", but the police are virtually letting go of the situation saying that they are "unauthorized.", and the damage is only going to the people, so at this point, the most worrisome thing is the absence of the law. Meanwhile, amid concerns over institutions overseeing illegal activities caused by the emergence of the detective industry, private security and detectives are similar to each other as in the United States, and it is expected to be able to gain public trust by entrusting the police in charge of managing and supervising private security companies. Therefore, at this time when most OECD countries except Korea legislate the Detective Business Act, prematurely allowing only the detective industry without enacting industry-related laws and systems can further fuel social confusion and hinder the detective industry along with the new fourth industry.

Characterization of Synthesized Carbonate and Sulfate Green Rusts: Formation Mechanisms and Physicochemical Properties (합성된 탄산염 및 황산염 그린 러스트의 형성 메커니즘과 이화학적 특성 규명)

  • Lee, Seon Yong;Choi, Su-Yeon;Chang, Bongsu;Lee, Young Jae
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.111-123
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    • 2022
  • Carbonate green rust (CGR) and sulfate green rust (SGR) commonly occur in nature. In this study, CGR and SGR were synthesized through co-precipitation, and their formation mechanisms and physicochemical properties were investigated. X-ray diffraction (XRD) and Rietveld refinement showed both CGR and SGR with layered double hydroxide structure were successfully synthesized without any secondary phases under each synthetic condition. Refined structural parameters (unit cell) for two green rusts were a (=b) = 3.17 Å and c = 22.52 Å for CGR and a (=b) = 5.50 Å and c = 10.97 Å for SGR with the crystallite size 57.8 nm in diameter from (003) reflection and 40.1 nm from (001) reflections, respectively. Scanning electron microscopy/energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM/EDS) results showed that both CGR and SGR had typical hexagonal plate-like crystal morphologies but their chemical composition is different in the content of C and S. In addition, Fourier transform infrared (FT-IR) spectroscopy analysis revealed that carbonate (CO32-) and sulfate (SO42-) molecules were occupied as interlayer anions of CGR and SGR, respectively. These SEM/EDS and FT-IR results were in good agreement with XRD results. Changes in the solution chemistry (i.e., pH, Eh and residual iron concentrations (Fe(II):Fe(III)) of the mixed solution) were observed as a function of the injection time of hydroxyl ion (OH-) into the iron solution. Three different stages were observed in the formation of both CGR and SGR; precursor, intermediator, and green rust in the formation of both CGR and SGR. This study provides co-precipitation methods for CGR and SGR in a way of the stable synthesis. In addition, our findings for the formation mechanisms of the two green rusts and their physicochemical properties will provide crucial information with researches and industrials in utilizing green rust.

Spatial Distribution and Successional Changes of Riparian Vegetation on Sandbars Exposed after Watergate-Opening of Weirs in the Geumgang River, South Korea (보 개방 후 노출된 금강 모래톱에서 하천 식생의 공간 분포와 천이)

  • Lee, Cheolho;Kim, Hwirae;Cho, Kang-Hyun
    • Ecology and Resilient Infrastructure
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    • v.9 no.3
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    • pp.194-205
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    • 2022
  • Sandbars formed by sediment transportation and sedimentation are some of the most important habitats for specific wildlife and they provide an aesthetic landscape in streams. The purpose of this study was to understand the successional process of the colonization and development of early vegetation over time on sandbars exposed by the opening of a gate at a downstream weir. We selected the following four study sites in the Geumgang River, South Korea: three weir-upstream sites with different gate-opening times and a control site that was not affected by weir operation. Changes in the structural characteristics and spatial distribution of the riparian vegetation on the sandbars exposed after opening the gate at the weir were surveyed according to the different exposure periods of the sandbars at the study sites. The newly formed sandbars accounted for more than 33% of the area of the existing floodplain in the three weir-upstream sites of the Geumgang River after opening the gate at the weir. Nine main plant communities were distributed on the exposed sandbars. These communities were classified as annual mesophytic, perennial hydrophytic, perennial hygrophytic, subtree, and tree vegetation based on their species traits. As the duration of exposure of the sandbar increased, the area of the bare sandbar and the annual herbaceous and perennial hydrophytic communities decreased, and the areas occupied by perennial hygrophytic, subtree, and tree communities increased. Changes in vegetation on the sandbar were classified into three types of succession according to the condition of the aquatic habitat before the gate-opening and the degree of physical disturbance caused by the water flow after the gate-opening. The types of succession were: 1) succession starting from hydrophytes in the lentic aquatic zone, 2) succession starting from annual herbaceous hygrophytes in the lotic aquatic zone, and 3) willow-dominated succession in the disturbed channel side. Our results suggested that the dynamics of successional changes in vegetation should be considered during weir operation to ecologically manage the habitats and landscape of the fluvial landforms, including sandbars in streams.

A comparative study on Diaspora consciousness of polish emigrants before and after the transformation of the political system reflected in the polish literary works (2) (체제전환 이전과 이후 폴란드 문학에 나타난 폴란드 이민자들의 디아스포라적 의식 비교 연구 (2))

  • Choi, Sung Eun
    • East European & Balkan Studies
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    • v.35
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    • pp.153-186
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    • 2013
  • Literature has been special for the Polish who suffered from the numerous invasions from surrounding countries for her geographical location at the center of Europe. In the late 18th century at a time when Poland was divided and ruled by Russia, Prussia and Austria, literature played an important role in uniting Poland. During the 2nd world war in which Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union and by Germany, and during the Cold War period under socialism system(1948~1989), the Polish literature was in the front to keep unique national culture with overseas migration community at the center. The Polish Diaspora literature from 19th century up to now has naturally embodied national sufferings from foreign powers in their literary tradition linked to the problem of 'migration'. In addition, they belong to other cultural sphere, but keep their own unique identity, which is similar to Korean Diaspora literature to a great degree. This study has two stages. In the first stage, it figures out the formation and trend of the Polish Diaspora literature followed by their meaning in the history of Polish literature. In the second stage, specific texts (two dramas) are analyzed before and after system transition in 1989. * Before system transition: S. Mrożek, Emigranci (1974), * After system transition: J. Głowacki, Antygona w Nowym Yorku (1992) Mrożek and Głowacki had themselves migration experiences with high achievement and recognition in literature not only in Poland but also in the world. In their works, hardships as 'strangers' in foreign countries, emotional wandering and agony, nostalgia to lost home land and exploration of identity were described vividly. By comparing the 2 literature texts, this study attempts to trace the change of Diaspora consciousness which Polish migrants experienced in foreign countries with different political system like socialism and capitalism.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Semiweekly variation of Spring Phytoplankton Community in Relation to the Freshwater Discharges from Keum River Estuarine Weir, Korea (금강하구언 담수방류와 춘계 식물플랑크톤 군집의 단주기 변동)

  • Yih, Won-Ho;Myung, Geum-Og;Yoo, Yeong-Du;Kim, Young-Geel;Jeong, Hae-Jm
    • The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.154-163
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    • 2005
  • Irregular discharges of freshwater through the water gates of the Keum River Estuarine Weir, Korea, whose construction had been completed in 1998 with its water gates being operated as late as August 1994, drastically modified the estuarine environment. Sharp decrease of salinity along with the altered concentrations of inorganic nutrients are accompanied with the irregular discharges of freshwater into the estuary under the influence of regular semi-diurnal tidal effect. Field sampling was carried out on the time of high tide at 2 fixed stations(St.1 near the Estuarine Weir and St.2 off Kunsan Ferry Station) every other day for 4 months from mid-February 2004 to investigate into the semi-weekly variation of spring phytoplankton community in relation to the freshwater discharges from Keum River Estuarine Weir. CV(coefficient of variation) of salinity measurements was roughly 2 times greater in St.1 than that in St.2, reflecting extreme salinity variation in St.1 Among inorganic nutrients, concentrations of N-nutrients($NO_3^-,\;NO_2^-$ and $NH_4^+$) were clearly higher in St.1, to imply the more drastic changes of the nutrient concentrations in St.1. than St.2 following the freshwater discharges. As a component of phytoplankton community, diatoms were among the top dominants in terms of species richness as well as biomass. Solitary centric diatom, Cyclotella meneghiniana, and chain-forming centric diatom, Skeletonema costatum, dominated over the phytoplankton community in order for S-6 weeks each (Succession Interval I and II), and the latter succeeded to the former from the time of <$10^{\circ}C$ of water temperature. Cyanobacterial species, Aphanizomenon Posaquae and Phormidium sp., which might be transported into the estuary along with the discharged freshwater, occupied high portion of total biomass during Succession Interval III(mid-April to late-May). During this period, freshwater species exclusively dominated over the phytoplankton community except the low concentrations of the co-occurring 2 estuarine diatoms, Cyclotella meneghiniana and Skeletonema costatum. During the 4th Succession Interval when the water temperature was over $18^{\circ}C$, the diatom, Guinardia delicatula, was predominant for a week with the highest dominance of $75\%$ in discrete samples. To summarize, during all the Succession Intervals other than Succession Interval III characterized by the extreme variation of salinity under cooler water temperature than $18^{\circ}C$, the diatoms were the most important dominants for species succession in spring. If the scale and frequency of the freshwater discharge could have been adjusted properly even during the Succession Interval III, the dominant species would quite possibly be replaced by other estuarine diatom species rather than the two freshwater cyanobacteria, Aphanizomenon flosaquae and Phormidium sp.. The scheme of field sampling every other day for the present study was concluded to be the minimal requirement in order to adequately explore the phytoplankton succession in such estuarine environment as in Keum River Estuary: which is stressed by the unpredictable and unavoidable discharges of freshwater under the regular semi-diurnal tide.