• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.1696-1707
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• 2019

This paper conducts a qualitative policy analysis of current challenges to safety culture and security culture in Southeast Asia and emerging best practices in Northeast Asia that are aimed at strengthening both cultures. It analyses lessons, including strengths and limitations, that can be derived from Northeast Asian states, given the long history of nuclear energy in South Korea, China and Japan. It identifies and examines best practices from Northeast Asia's Nuclear Security Centres of Excellence in terms of boosting nuclear security culture and their relevance for Southeast Asia. The paper accentuates the important role of the State in adopting policy and regulatory frameworks and in institutionalising nuclear education and training programmes to deepen the safety-security cultures. Best practices in and challenges to developing a nuclear safety culture and a security culture in East Asia are examined using three frameworks of analysis (i) a comprehensive nuclear policy framework; (ii) a proactive and independent regulatory body; and (iii) holistic nuclear education and training programmes. The paper argues that Southeast Asian states interested in harnessing nuclear energy and/or utilising radioactive sources for non-power applications must develop a comprehensive policy framework on developing safety and security cultures, a proactive regulatory body, and holistic nuclear training programmes that cover both technical and human factors. Such measures are crucial in order to mitigate human errors that may lead to radiological accidents and nuclear security crises. Key lessons from Japan, South Korea and China such as best practices and challenges can inform policy recommendations for Southeast Asia in enhancing safety-security cultures.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.63-98
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• 2012

Northeast Asia has a multi-layered security structure within which major economic and military powers both confront one another and cooperate at the same time. Major regional powers maintain mutually cooperative activities in the economic sphere while competing one another in order to secure a dominant position in the politico-military arena. The multifarious threats, posed by the North Korea's nuclear development, territorial disputes, and maritime demarcation line issues demonstrate that Northeast Asia suffers more from military conflicts and strifes than any other region in the world. Specifically, major maritime security threats include North Korea's nuclear proliferation and missile launching problems as well as military provocations nearby the Northern Limit Line(NLL) as witnessed in the Cheonan naval ship and Yeonpyong incidents. The ROK Navy has been supplementing its firm military readiness posture in consideration of North Korea's threats on the NLL. It has performed superb roles in defending the nation and establishing the Navy advanced and best picked. It also has been conducive to defend the nation from external military threats and invasion, secure the sea lanes of communications, and establish regional stability and world peace. In order to effectively cope with the strategic environment and future warfares, the ROK Navy needs to shift its military structure to one that is more information and technology intensive. In addition, it should consolidate the ROK-US alliance and extend military cooperative measures with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Evolved steadily for the last 60 years, the ROK-US alliance format has contributed to peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. In conclusion, this manuscript contends that the ROK Navy should strive for the establishment of the following: (1) Construction of Jeju Naval Base; (2) Strategic Navy Equipped with War Deterrence Capabilities; (3) Korean-type of System of Systems; (4) Structure, Budget and Human Resources of the Naval Forces Similar to the Advanced Countries; and (5) Strategic Maritime Alliance and Alignment System as well as Domestic Governance Network for the Naval Families.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.148-177
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• 2014

The regional security and stability in Northeast Asia has become more complicated because of a sudden establishment of China's Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on 23 November 2013. One dimensional conflicts on the territorial sovereignty over the islands between the regional States has developed into the two dimensional conflicts like maritime delimitations among the States concerned since they have all ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea which adopts the 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone regime. Moreover, due to the notion of the outer limit of the continental shelf, the conflicts have developed into three dimensional ones in order to acquire more natural resources even in the seabed. To make matters worse, such three dimensional conflicts have expanded to the airspace as well. The paper will analyze what implications the sudden declaration of China's ADIZ have for the regional security in Northeast Asia from the perspectives of public international law. To this end, the paper 1) starts with the debates on the legal nature of the ADIZ, 2) identifies the Chinese government's political motives for the establishment of the ADIZ over the East China Sea, 3) assesses the responses of the regional States and the USA to the China's establishment of the ADIZ, and then 4) discuss what implications the overlapped ADIZ of the three key States in the region have for the regional security and stability.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.31-40
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• 2013

Purpose - The Northeast Asian Logistic Hub strategy was established to create a national competitive advantage in northeast Asia. Countries in this region are competing fiercely to become the central base distribution port as the volume of container shipping continues to increase due to the northeast Asian (especially Chinese) economic growth. The primary method by which shippers are improving their customer service and distribution is enhancing profits by minimizing call ports on the key route through strategic affiliations and the use of large vessels. Each nation is planning large-scale investments in the construction of sea ports that can accommodate large vessels. This paper proposes ways by which the logistical strategies of domestic corporations can keep pace with changes in government policy concerning the Northeast Asian Business Hub policy. It examines the logistics system in the Northeast Asian region, analyzes the government's Northeast Asian Business Hub policy, and suggests logistical strategies for domestic corporations through an analysis based on a questionnaire designed to grasp domestic firms' needs and goals. Research design, data and methodology - The purpose of this study is to determine how shipping companies establish partnerships with third-party logistics providers and draws out the implications of the results. The survey methods used were personal interviews and questionnaires distributed to a sample population through e-mail, fax, mail, and telephone. A total of 600 questionnaires were distributed, of which 165 were returned. Among these, ten were excluded due to insufficient content; ultimately, 155 were used for the sample. The statistical data collection process was analyzed through data coating and a statistical package program. Results - This study argues that greater flexibility in policies, administration, and systems will be needed to significantly improve established business practices. In this dissertation, we primarily identify that in order to become a center of northeast Asian logistics, Korea must adopt a new paradigm and abandon the existing systems that are based on the economic and social systems that have stemmed from bureaucracy, inflexibility, chauvinism, and equalitarianism. Flexible policies, administration, and systems will be necessary to improve business practices. Domestic corporations must establish a strategic logistics hub and related network while simultaneously pursuing value-added logistics businesses by increasing their manpower and building a logistics information system. This will strengthen their competitive edge and lead to system improvements. Conclusions - Domestic corporations must adopt a new paradigm and use more reasonable business laws, systems, and policies that are based on market-driven flexibility and transparency. Moreover, social norms and regulations should be established to help ensure political and social security. Korea must also develop a culture of tolerance for foreign companies. Finally, the paradigm defining the policy governing the development of the capital city and its satellite cities in this context must be changed.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.381-418
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• 2008

This study revisits the meaning of energy security by examining the oil market supply and demand conditions of petroleum products and refinery capacity of three Northeast Asian countries(Korea, China, Japan). In 2006, 10.6 million bid of excess demand occurred and is expected to be 15~22 million bid by the year 2030 in this regional oil market. Different oil demand is caused mainly by the different demands for various petroleum products based on each country's economic structures. If the demands are ranked according to their petroleum products, Chinese case shows gasoil > gasoline > fuel oil> LPG > naphtha > Kero/jet and Japanese case shows gasoil > gasoline> naphtha> Kero/jet > fuel oil > LPG, while Korean case shows naphtha> gas oil > fuel oil > LPG > Kero/jet > gasoline, respectively. Total CDU(Crude Distillation Unit) capacity of three northeast asian countries also have been examined in this respect. This study points out the importance of the information on oil demand and supply, on petroleum products and refinery capacities of the three Northeast Asian countries to enhance the security of the oil market in this region.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.15-32
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• 2017

This article's aim is to review the jurisprudence which has emerged pursuant to the international dispute settlement provisions and to provide a provisional expectation as to the future of international dispute settlement under "UNCLOS". Globally, marine fisheries play an important role in ocean biodiversity and the food security of millions of people, providing a vital source of high-quality dietary protein and supporting individuals' livelihoods and income. In the 1982 Convention, the establishment of co-operative mechanisms for effective monitoring, control, surveillance and enforcement, decision-making procedures facilitating the adoption of such measures of conservation and management, and the promotion of the peaceful settlement of disputes are called for. In this study, 'Northeast Asian Sea' means that the Yellow/East China Sea, the East Sea, the Ohotsk Sea, the Kamchaka Sea, the Alaska Sea, and the Bering Sea surrounded by Korea, China, Japan, Russia, U.S.A. and Canada including their EEZs. There are several bilateral fisheries agreements existing in Northeast Asian area, the Fisheries Agreement between Republic Korea and Japan, between Republic of Korea and China, between China and Japan, between Republic Korea and U.S.A., between Republic Korea and Russia, between Russia and Japan, And there are several regional fisheries organizations existing in Northeast Asian area, for example NPAFC(Convention for the Conservation of Anadromous Stocks in the North Pacific Ocean), CBSPC (Convention on the Central Bering Sea Pollack Conservation), PICES(North Pacific Marine Science Organization), NPFC(North Pacific Fishery Commi-ssion) etc. It analyzed the proliferation of bilateral treaties and multilateral treaties due to the adoption of the EEZ in Northeast Asia reviewed the strengthening of management rights on the high seas marine living resources and marine environment preservation of regional fisheries organizations. In view of the changes in the international fisheries mechanism this paper suggested the future direction of the country in overseas fisheries. We concluded as follows. We shall apply bilateral treaties first, regional fisheries organizations' treaties secondly, and provisions under "UNCLOS" for dispute settlement last.

• Food Science and Industry
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.134-147
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• 2020

Northeast Asia comprises many characteristic cultural areas including China, Mongolia, Korea and Japan. These areas have their own traditional food cultures, and Korea is known as the home of fermented foods in this region. The origin of Northeast Asian fermented foods, cereal alcoholic beverages, fermented vegetables(kimchi), fermented fish and fermented soybean products were investigated in relation to the primitive earthen vessels developed in this region. The geographical and environmental background of the appearance of primitive pottery culture in the Korea Strait region, and its influence on the development of fermentation technology in Northeast Asia were reviewed focusing on Korean dietary culture.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.63-87
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• 2020

This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.