• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.745-760
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• 2016

The name of a place represents the social and political power relations as well as showing a certain physical space. In particular, the East Sea is not only a representative name of areas represent our country, but also the name of place being in competition with the Sea of Japan internationally. Korea is committed in many ways to spread the name of East Sea in the international community, and gradually expand its name power. The purpose of this study was to investigate the names used in the newspapers and broadcasting in Francophone countries except France by analyzing the newspaper articles and broadcasting contents, and to illuminate how the names of the East Sea produced in France, and the discussion about the names were diffused in Francophone countries and what kind of influence they had on those countries. This study selected Algeria in North Africa, Belgium and Luxembourg in West Europe, and Quebec in Canada for the research areas. As a result, while Algeria in North Africa and Luxembourg are showing inhospitality to the name East Sea, Belgium and Quebec are taking a flexible attitude toward this name. In general, most Francophone countries are provided with press releases from AFP in France. Even in same article provided by AFP, The result shows that some media stick to use the name Sea of Japan solely, and others demonstrate a will to use both name East Sea and Sea of Japan simultaneously. This study was able to show that the diffusion and spread of the place name was significantly influenced by social, political interests and powers, the mess geopolitics in pop cultural materials.

• Journal of Korean Society of Coastal and Ocean Engineers
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.457-466
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• 2007

The effect of depth correction in the coastal sea has been investigated through a series of tide simulations in the area of $115{\sim}150^{\circ}E,\;20{\sim}52^{\circ}N$ of northwestern Pacific with $1/12^{\circ}$ resolution. Comparison of the solutions varying the minimum depth from 10m to 35 m with the 5m interval shows that the amplitude accuracies of $M_2,\;S_2,\;K_1$ tide using the minimum depth of 25 m have been improved up to 42%, 32%, 26%, respectively, comparing to those using the minimum depth of 10m. The discrepancy between model results using different minimum depth is found to be up to 20 cm for $M_2$ tidal amplitude around Cheju Islands and the positions of amphidromes are dramatically changed in the Bohai Sea. The calculated ARE(Averaged Relative Error) values have been minimized when the bottom frictional coefficient and the minimum depth is 0.0015 and 25 m, respectively.

• Journal of Korean Society for Atmospheric Environment
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.395-404
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• 2011

Asian dust evens took place in Seoul on 27~28 March and 31 March~1 April 2007, during which the mass and chemical compositions of $PM_{10}$ were measured at urban area in Seoul, Korea. In conjunction with $PM_{10}$ compositions, the behaviors of gas precursors such as CO, $O_3$, $SO_2$, and $NO_2$ and meteorological parameters and air mass trajectories were thoroughly examined. The earlier case was a weak dust incidence which was characterized by elevated concentrations of CO, $SO_2$ and $NO_2$ as well as secondary aerosols. In contrast, the later showed the trait of the dust aerosols associated with high $PM_{10}$ mass and $Ca^{2+}$ concentrations. In general, the fractions of ionic species against mass decreased with increase in dust loading. The ratios of ${SO_4}^{2-}$ to ${NO_3}^-$ and $SO_2$ to $NO_2$ were similar in temporal variations, suggesting the concentrations of secondary aerosols were sensitive to the level of precursor gases. In this study, $Na^+$ and $Cl^-$ were also highly elevated during the heavy dust episode, which is thought to have originated from alkaline soils spreading through the northeast regions of China.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.91-111
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• 2001

This study was conducted in order to develop inter-local cooperation strategies between the City of Incheon, in Korea, and three provinces in northeastern China. We begin with a description of the history of and prospects for trade between Korea and China, an explanation of the current economic status of Incheon, statistics on the economy, trade and investment trends in the region, and information on the ports of the three Chinese provinces. The following strategies are suggested for inter-local cooperation based on the current circumstances. First, cooperative industrial strategies and economic investment for promoting the mutual concerns and interests of China and Korea were developed. Second, a practical way of utilizing the Incheon Industrial Park located in Dandong, China, was devised to stimulate industrial and investment cooperation. Third, a method of building a network among major ports in Korea and other Northeast Asian port cities was developed. Fourth, an international logistics transportation system that makes connection between sea, land and air easier through logistics standardization was suggested in preparation fur the changing environment of logistics brought about by the opening of the new Incheon International Airport. Fifth, methods of Improving port facilities are suggested. And, finally, the role and necessity of the Incheon City Interchange Center in executing inter-local cooperation strategies is described.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.312-320
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• 1993

Along with the fade out of the Cold War the world is undergoing a fundamental restructuring. The process is generally refered to regionalization and globalization. In this context, the Paper presents a geopolitical perspective on the future of Northeast Asia. To meet the global trend, it is expected that the countries in the area organize an economically cooperative unity, the concept of which the author calls the northeast Asian Rim (NEAR). With its huge potentials to become the largest economic area in the world and with its rather complicated historical and social background, the Rim is tentatively supposed to have a loose and soft organization, to be flexible in dealing with the intra-and interregional relations. The idea underlying the view is that the former area of confrontation between the land power and the sea power is, under the new world environment, going to recover its proper locational attributes and develop into a merging area, a new core. As a physical framework of the Rim a spatial structurc is assumed to consist of two-subrims and two development axes with four development centers.

• Atmosphere
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.199-211
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• 2017

The cold surges over East Asia can be grouped to two types of the wave-train and the blocking. Recently, the observational study proposed new dynamical index to objectively identify cold surge types. In this study, the dynamical index is applied to the simulations of 10 climate models, which participate in the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 5 (CMIP5). Focusing on assessment of cold surge simulation, we discuss characteristic of the wave-train and blocking cold surges in the climate models. The wave-train index (WI) and the blocking index (BI) based on potential temperature anomalies at dynamical tropopause over the subarctic region, the northeast China, and the western North Pacific enable us to classify cold surges in the climate models into two types. The climate models well simulate the occurrence mechanism of the wave-train cold surges with vertical structure related to growing baroclinic wave. However, while the wave-train in the observation propagates in west-east direction across the Eurasia Continent, most of the models simulate the southeastward propagation of the wave-train originated from the Kara Sea. For the blocking cold surges, the general features in the climate models well follow those in the observation to show the dipole pattern of a barotropic high-latitude blocking and a baroclinic coastal trough, leading to the Arctic cold surges with the strong northerly wind originated from the Arctic Sea. In both of the observation and climate models, the blocking cold surges tend to be more intense and last longer compared to the wave-train type.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.131-149
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• 2004

With trend of container ships becoming larger and faster, the environment surrounding ports in North-East Asia is rapidly changing. Korea's largest port of Busan processed more than 10 million 20- feet equivalent containers in 2003, surpassing the 10-million TEU mark for the first time in its three decades of operation. However, the Port of Busan , the world's third-largest port in 2002, was eclipsed by Shanghai since July in 2003. The first massive strike of truckers crippled the Korea's logistics system in May and in September, the Port of Busan suffered from the second strike of truckers and damage by a powerful typhoon. By contrast, the port of Shenzhen in China increased its container-processing volume by 39.9 percent to 10.65 million TEU in 2003, and Shanghai, which passed Busan in terms of container volume in the middle of last year, further consolidated its position as the world's No. 3 port with an annual volume of 11.28 million TEU. After all, Busan recorded an annual container volume of 10.40 million TEU, slipping to fifth in rankings in 2003 and Busan's bid to become a Northeast Asian hub has suffered a further setback as these chinese ports overtook the port of Busan. But the port of Busan is located in the main trunk liking North America, Europe and South-East Asia. Once the project of Busan Newport is accomplished and the railway between South and North Korea is connected to TCR and TSR, the Port of Busan will have the most potential to become the international logistics center as the starting point of the land and sea routes encompassing all over the world.

• Asian Journal of Atmospheric Environment
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.139-151
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to understand distributional characteristics in the atmospheric concentrations of $O_3$ and its precursors based on data taken at the southern Korean coast. The average $O_3$ concentration in the high altitude was found to range from 32.3 to 90.8 ppb with a maximum concentration of 132 ppb. The ambient $O_3$ concentration was high at altitudes of 1000 m and 500 m above the southern sea near Gwangyang Bay and an industrial area containing emission sources. The daily mean concentrations of $NO_y$ and CO were 6.7-24.2 ppb and 0.152-0.487 ppm, respectively. During the aerial measurement period, the highest mean concentration of $O_3$ was observed on June 1. The aerial measurement results showed that the maximum ozone concentration was observed to be 132 ppb in the high altitude the southernmost part of Yeosu. The measurement of vertical wind fields in the air indicated that $O_3$ formed in the southernmost part of Yeosu was transported by strong southwesterly winds to the northeast of Gwangyang Bay. This led to a ground $O_3$ concentration of over 100 ppb in Jinju, the northeastern part of Gwangyang Bay. On August 9, when the maximum $O_3$ concentration was 50 ppb, the measurement results showed that $O_3$ concentrations were relatively low compared to other days. In particular, low $NO_2$ and TVOC concentrations were observed, both of which serve to form $O_3$ in photochemical reactions.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.