• 지역연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.155-187
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• 1999

The East Asian Region has experienced remarkable economic growth and transformation of interurban networking over the past three decades, and urban competiti veness for a networking hub in this region has become a critical issue confronting cities. Competitiveness of the Seoul capital region for a networking hub in Northeast Asia is outstripped by other competing cities in East Asia, notwithstanding its geo-politically and geo-economically advantageous location in this region. In this paper, we aim to appraise the Seoul capital region's competitiveness in terms of logistics distribution, financial function and logistics distribution, financial function and agglomeration of transnational corporations (especially of RHOs and other managerial functions), and to advance the networking strategies of the region for a Northeast Asia hyb. As a result of analysis, we suggest that the Seoul capital region be developed as a Northeast Asian center for regional headquarters or leading global corporations and financial services for being a strategic nodal point in Northeast Asia in the 21st century. A recent survey shows that where to locate an RHQ is influenced by various factors, such as potential market and manufacturing site in the city's hinterland, quality of life, such things as culture, health, safety, education, a well-educated, English-speaking population, reliable air transport, state-of-the-art communications, and an active policy to offer foreign companies generous incentives. The Seoul capital region, which is located at a strategic nodal point advantageous as a springboard for its Northeast Asian hinterland, cannot meet the other conditions mentioned above. To overcome these drawbacks in attracting transnational capital and to create competitiveness as a strategic hub of RHQs in Northeast Asia, it is urgent to initiate a structural reform of the Korean economy, politics, and overall society, to minimize the regulation of FDI, and to provide various incentives for foreign investment. Moreover, we propose the construction of an 'International Business Town' in the Seoul capital region, as a medium to intermediate these strategies and to shape them in a spatial scale. The projected 'International Business Town(IBT)' will be a 'free city' open to international business in which liberal economic activities are guaranteed by special legislation and administration, infrastructures needed for international and improved accessibility to the airport are furnished, and the preference of foreign high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capital, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income investors for cultural and living environment are satisfactorily met. IBT is conspicuously differentiated from a raft of other cities' incentives in that it combines deregulation and incentive programs to attract the investment of transnational capita, with a spatial program of offering an urban environment preferred by the high-income and managerial class. Furthermore, it can be an excellent way of overcoming the xenophobia that has spread among the Korean population by concentrating foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific foreign businesses and their lifestyles in a specific zone. In conclusion, 'International Business Town', in line with other legislative and administrative incentive programs, will function as a driving force to make the Seoul capital regional more competitive as a regional business hub in Northeast Asia.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제44권3호
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• pp.1-14
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• 2013

This study considers an approach for subregional fisheries organization in Northeast Asia. The fishery resources in the Northeast Asian waters surrounding Korea are among the most productive in the world because of their extremely high biological productivity and the natural features of the sea. However, the fishery resources of the region have long been subject to heavy fishing pressures, and many stocks are now believed to be seriously depleted or even in danger of extinction because of overfishing. To move to a run sustainable fishery in Northeast Asia waters area, cooperative fisheries management between Korea, China and Japan for common resource is probably necessary. Cooperative fisheries management is likely to be more effective in fishery resources management than individual fisheries management by countries. The effects of fisheries management by regional cooperation can be divided into resource management and economical performance. Cooperative fisheries management as RFO will bring satisfactory results. Currently these jurisdictional extensions and resulting disputes over maritime space and resources were thrust upon an already transitional and unstable political environment. However, They have to have a strategic approach for RFO establishment step by step. Cooperative fisheries management using the RFO can mitigate these disputes, and cooperative bilateral fisheries arrangements have been proliferating over the past 10 years and may provide the basis for possible trust-building multilateral agreements.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.63-98
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• 2012

Northeast Asia has a multi-layered security structure within which major economic and military powers both confront one another and cooperate at the same time. Major regional powers maintain mutually cooperative activities in the economic sphere while competing one another in order to secure a dominant position in the politico-military arena. The multifarious threats, posed by the North Korea's nuclear development, territorial disputes, and maritime demarcation line issues demonstrate that Northeast Asia suffers more from military conflicts and strifes than any other region in the world. Specifically, major maritime security threats include North Korea's nuclear proliferation and missile launching problems as well as military provocations nearby the Northern Limit Line(NLL) as witnessed in the Cheonan naval ship and Yeonpyong incidents. The ROK Navy has been supplementing its firm military readiness posture in consideration of North Korea's threats on the NLL. It has performed superb roles in defending the nation and establishing the Navy advanced and best picked. It also has been conducive to defend the nation from external military threats and invasion, secure the sea lanes of communications, and establish regional stability and world peace. In order to effectively cope with the strategic environment and future warfares, the ROK Navy needs to shift its military structure to one that is more information and technology intensive. In addition, it should consolidate the ROK-US alliance and extend military cooperative measures with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Evolved steadily for the last 60 years, the ROK-US alliance format has contributed to peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. In conclusion, this manuscript contends that the ROK Navy should strive for the establishment of the following: (1) Construction of Jeju Naval Base; (2) Strategic Navy Equipped with War Deterrence Capabilities; (3) Korean-type of System of Systems; (4) Structure, Budget and Human Resources of the Naval Forces Similar to the Advanced Countries; and (5) Strategic Maritime Alliance and Alignment System as well as Domestic Governance Network for the Naval Families.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.5-25
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• 2014

On July 3~4, 2014, the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit to Seoul might be seen as a step on the path toward strategic outcomes for both country. For South Korea, Seoul shrewdly retains some degree of self-reliance by balancing between ROK-China strategic cooperative partnership relationship and ROK-US alliance. For China, Beijing appears to put its interests on the Korean Peninsula increasingly within China's larger geopolitical influence. To what extent can ROK-China relationship maintain futuristic strategic cooperative partnership between them? As we observed joint press communiques of the Chinese President Xi Jinping's state visit on July 3, 2014, four agendas of bilateral relationship between Seoul and Beijing can be identified: intractable rivalry between the two great powers, North Korea nuclear issues, disparities of their displeasure with Japan denying the past wrongdoing and enhancing its military capabilities and Chinese imposing of its core interests on its Korea policy. With these evolving strategic environments, however, China and the ROK appear justifiably be pleased with the state of their relations: their strategic cooperative partnership is the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region and continues to grow broader and deeper.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.59-66
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• 2016

Purpose - The purpose of this study is to find out how shipping company recognizes making partnership with the third party logistics provider and to give implication. Research design, data and methodology - Personal interview and questionnaire by E-mail, Fax, Mail, and telephone were used. 700 copies of the questionnaires were distributed and 155 copied were returned. Among collected questionnaires, 20 copies were excluded because of insufficient content, and therefore 135 copies were used. Results - Korea should change into new paradigm from old one based on current economic and social systems which has stemmed from bureaucracy, inflexibility chauvinism and equalitarianism. Flexible policies, administration and systems will be needed for better business practices. The Domestic logistics corporation needs to preoccupy strategic logistics hub and network. Conclusions - To be a center of North East Logistics, Korea needs more reasonable business law, systems and policies. Social norms and orders should be established to accomplish political and social security. A paradigm of the policy ruling over development of capital city and satellite cities shall make change.

• 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항해항만학회 2006년도 추계학술대회 논문집(제1권)
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• pp.243-248
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• 2006

최근 중국은 산항을 개장하여 선사 유치를 위한 다양한 혜택을 제공하고, 일본은 '수퍼중추항만 육성계획'을 세워 항만의 효율성을 바탕으로 비용을 낮추려는 노력을 하고 있다. 또한 선박의 대형화에 의한 중심항만(Hub Port) 위주의 기항과 북중국의 대향 물량 발생지역에 대한 직기항 경향으로 동북아 항만간의 경쟁이 더욱더 치열해 지고 있으며 동북아 역내 피더네트워크 강화의 필요성이 제기되고 있다. 따라서, 본 연구에서는 유럽 피더네트워크 전략 사례를 바탕으로 동북아 피더시장 현황을 파악하고 동북아 피더네트워크 구조를 분석함으로써 동북아 역내 항만 및 선사간의 과당경쟁을 지양하고 서로 Win-Win할 수 있는 터미널의 전략적 활용, 선사간 제휴 확대, 항만간 협력 강화를 위한 구체적인 전략을 제시하였다.

• 한국항만경제학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항만경제학회 2007년도 정책세미나 및 국제학술대회
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• pp.37-50
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• 2007

Taking advantage of geographical position of Korea located on the main route of world-wide service, Port Logistics Industry can be strategic industry which secures international competitiveness necessary for Korea to be hub of Northeast Asian's logistics. Along with the advent of super large container vessel, world ports environment changed from "milkway" type, which means vessel calls every port for service to "Hub & Spoke" type, which means vessel calls regional central port and feeder service for the rest ports. As environment changes, regional ports in Northeast Asia are competing each other tougher and tougher and introducing or developing port logistics information system based on state-of-the-art technology in order to adapt themselves to new environment, thus to be Hub port. Taking this situation into consideration, we want to define clearly the meaning and scope of port logistics IT and review the global trend of port logistics IT. Finally we want to find future development of port logistics IT which we have to achieve.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.175-199
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• 2018

Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.82-108
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• 2023

As tension escalates between the US and China, scenarios for maintaining peace in Northeast Asia imply that secondary powers will perceive increasing incentives to reappraise their respective international roles. This analysis proposes that an analysis of France's Cold War role in Europe and the world under President Charles de Gaulle provides insights into conflict management in an increasingly multipolar international political environment. Their respective interests in preventing a so-called new Cold War emerging between the US and China include avoiding its excessive economic costs, if only because China is a massive trade partner. This study engages in theoretical framework-informed process tracing of de Gaulle's role. It explicates the assumptions that functionally underpinned de Gaulle's policy of soft balancing between the US and China. The analysis explores de Gaulle's contribution to the decay of the Cold War. It illuminates de Gaulle's contribution to a regional international environment that made West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik strategy more feasible politically. This study applies these findings in the formulation of strategy recommendations focusing on Japan. Valid inferences regarding the predominant motivations driving American and Chinese international interaction are necessary for this task. To the extent to which the US and China have entered into a conflict spiral, Japan's hedging towards Washington is further incentivized. Tokyo would necessarily need to convince the Chinese that Japan is no longer Washington's unsinkable aircraft carrier off its coast. Tokyo, like de Gaulle's France, would maintain close relations with Washington, but it would need to project to its interlocutors its commitment to its own strategic autonomy. Tokyo's emphasis on closer relations with liberal democratic Indo-Pacific actors would potentially fit well with a commitment to strategic autonomy to defend the global liberal order.

• 해양안보
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

동북아시아에서는 '바큇살 구조'라 불리우는 미국 중심의 양자동맹체제가 지속되고 있다. 그러나 최근 급변하는 동아시아의 국제정세와 이에 대응하기 위해 국가들 간 다각도로 협력하는 양상들을 보았을 때, 이러한 동맹체제의 변화 가능성에 대해서 진단해 볼 필요성이 제기되었다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 주 위협, 위협의 강도, 국가 간 신뢰도라는 요인을 바탕으로, 유럽과 동남아시아의 집단안보체제에 관한 사례연구 및 비교분석을 통해 이에 대한 영향을 분석하였다. 본 연구는 이를 바탕으로 동북아에서의 안보체제 변화 가능성에 대해서 연구를 진행하였으며, 현재의 갈등이 지속적으로 악화된다면 동북아를 넘어 동아시아 전반에서의 집단안보체제가 형성될 가능성이 분명히 존재한다고 보았다.