• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.155-173
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• 2021

Purpose - Previous research points out that South Korean perceive their happiness less than Chinese and Japanese, although the three nations belong to the same Northeast Asia cultural sphere. This study aims to find out the reasons for the relatively low perception of happiness in South Korea and develop policy options to improve the relatively low perceived happiness in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach - For the analyses, analysis of variance (ANOVA) and regression analysis were performed based on the World Values Survey data (Wave 7). Findings - First, South Korean perceived happiness less than Chinese due to 'satisfaction with the financial situation of household' and 'in-group trust'. More specifically, although there was no difference in the impact of 'satisfaction with the financial situation of household' on perceived happiness in South Korea and China, South Korean evaluated 'satisfaction with the financial situation of household' lower than Chinese. In addition, the impact of 'in-group trust' on happiness in South Korea was less than that in China, where the level of 'in-group trust' was also lower in South Korea than China. Second, South Korean perceived happiness less than Japanese due to 'in-group trust'. Although South Korean had a higher level of 'in-group trust' than Japanese, the impact of 'in-group trust' on perceived happiness was less in South Korea than Japan. The contribution of 'in-group trust' to perceived happiness, calculated with the regression coefficient of 'in-group trust' multiplied by the mean of 'in-group trust', was evaluated lower in South Korea than Japan. Research implications or Originality - This study identifies the mechanism leading to low perception of happiness in South Korea, based on the World Values Survey data.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.3-32
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• 2007

This age is called the age of global trade, and the World Trade Organization is a forerunner in promoting the global free trade through multilateral negotiations as the global level. On the other hand, regional economic cooperation such as North American Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA) is appearing, saying that promotion by WTO takes too much time. As is known to everybody, Europe is on the way of integrating member states through EU not to mention economic cooperation. Even in Asia such tendency is shown through ASEAN, Korea, China and Japan in Northeast Asia share geographical proximity, many common historical experiences, and similar cultural norms and values although they have disparities in stages of development, trade and economic policies, and financial and legal frameworks. Under the situation, efforts have been made between three countries of Korea, China and Japan for the conclusion of investment agreements including FTA. If the conclusion of the FTA between the three countries would be realized, it would promote regional trade and investment, contributing to economic growth in the Northeast Asian region. The writer in this paper reviewed the settlement of private commercial dispute including investment dispute arising from the FTA and investment agreements. The investment dispute is quite different from an ordinary commercial dispute arising from commercial transactions in view of disputing parties, applicable laws and rules, etc. Therefore it is a problem of vital importance that the parties interested in investment under the FTA as well as the relevant investment agreement should understand and cope with the settlement mechanism of investment disputes arising therefrom. The ICSID Convention provides facilities for the conciliation and arbitration of disputes between member countries and investors who qualify as nationals of other member countries. All contracting states of the ICSID Convention are required by the Convention to recognize and enforce the ICSID arbitral awards. The New York Convention(formally called "United Nations Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards") is also applicable for the enforcement of arbitral awards to be rendered under the FTA. As to applicable rules, the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules may be required for the settlement of investment disputes under the FTA. This Rules has adopted by the internationally recognized arbitral organizations although it was developed primarily for use in ad hoc arbitration. The promotion of arbitral cooperation may be realized through agreements between arbitral institutions. Especially under the NAPTA system, a central common system was established to resolve jointly private commercial disputes arising from such free trades by the initiative of arbitral organizations among the member countries. It is called Commercial Arbitration and Mediation Center for the Americas(CAMCA), which may be a good example for the settlement promotion of the private commercial disputes between Korea and other relevant countries.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.163-194
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• 2022

A transboundary environmental problem refers to an environmental problem that goes beyond a country's territory and damages neighboring countries. It is a difficult problem because, basically, it is a natural, rather than intentional, effect, and it is extremely hard to make a scientific consensus on the cause-effect relations between upstream and downstream nations. Air pollution, especially PM 2.5 and PM 10, is one of the typical cases of transboundary environmental problems in the Northeast Asia. This paper analyzes the constraints of environmental cooperation between China and South Korea to address transboundary air pollution issue. It argues that lack of trust and ideological hostility, rather than, scientific uncertainty, is the biggest obstacle for effective cooperation, and these hostile discourses and ideas are mostly generated by media in the downstream nation, the South Korea. In order to identify how South Korean media frames this issue, this paper searched newspaper articles in the six representative South Korean newspapers during the period of 2014 and 2020, and analyzed about 2,000 articles selected. It finds that South Korean media has framed the transboundary air pollution as a China bashing and related domestic political cleavage issue, while it neglects to show the cooperation attempts that the two countries have made to date. Also, while the media focuses on China hate frame, it has never reported the Chinese government's domestic policies to reduce air pollution and their results. Media's overuse of hate and blame frames not only has disrupted trust building but also it will delay a possible turning point of environmental cooperation between the two countries in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.30-43
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• 2003

The geography, circulation pattern, and ecology show that the semi-closed seas of Northwest Pacific be managed as one complete system. Ongoing multilateral cooperative efforts relevant to marine environmental protection in the Northwest Pacific area, include the Working Group for the Western Pacific (WESTPAC) established under the auspices of WNESCO's Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commissions, the UNDP/GEF Programme on Prevention and Management of Marine Pollution in East Asian Seas (PEMSEA), the North Pacific Marine Science Organization(PICES), and the United Nations Environment Programme(WNEP)'s Northwest Pacific Action Plan(NOWPAP). The present report firstly describes the current situations on the existing regional cooperative regimes for marine environmental conservation in the Northwest Pacific region, with a special respect to the Northwest Pacific Action Plan(NOWPAP) which was adopted in 1994 by Japan, People's Republic of China, Republic of Korea and Russian Federation. Then, problems of the existing regimes are also discussed, together with the suggestion of the possible solutions, focusing on NOWPAP. Suggestions include: 1) the Northeast Asian countries should understand the importance of legally-binding regional convention, and should build up any legally-binding instrument which can function as a big umbrella for real regional cooperation without prejudice to the rights of the States, 2) At present stage, it will be possible to make a regional convention flexible without prejudice to the sovereign right of the States or territorial issues; 3) taking into account that the region often faces many generic political problems that often inhibit the effective collective actions on environmental issues, the leadership from UNEP or other international organizations is required; 4) strong institutional and financial framework should be made, and 5) multilateral efforts to respond to the new marine environmental threats should be taken at the regional level in order to protect the coastal and marine environments in the Northwest Pacific.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.141-163
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• 2013

As the importance of biotechnology has been increased as a growth engine for country, most countries get focused on securing technological competitiveness in the field of biotechnology. Under the fierce global competition, it is very important to identify technological competitiveness of Korea and our neighboring countries in order to carry out effective research and development. Expert opinion survey such as Delphi is mainly conducted to analyze the technological competitiveness, but the method based on experts' intuition may produce different results depending on survey respondents due to the strong subjective inclination. In this study, the patent registered in US was utilized to analyze the technological competitiveness based on objective data. Targeting countries were Korea, China and Japan which were leading nations in the Northeast Asia. As analytical indexes, NP(Number of Patents), CPP(Cites per Patent), PII(Patent Impact Index), TS(Technology Strength), TI(Technology Independence), PFS(Patent Family Size) were used for analysis. Moreover, the industrial linkage with biotechnology was analyzed by matching IPC code of patents with 44 industries. Based on this analysis, technological convergence and utilization were quantified. The findings can be utilized as basic data when policy is established to improve technological competitiveness in the field of biotechnology.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.97-126
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• 2014

October 4, 1957 the Soviet Sputnik 1 was launched into space the first time in the history of mankind. After launching, the realm of humankind was expanded to space. Today all countries of the world wage a fierce competition in order to utilize space for various purposes. World powers of space such as United States, Russia, China, and Japan, put reconnaissance satellites and ocean surveillance satellites into orbit, being able to easily see equipment and troops movement on earth. Each country makes efforts to occupy space assets through the militarization of space and expand national interests. Recently private companies or individuals involved in commercial space activities are becoming more prevalent. Thus, in addition to space activities for military purposes, commercial space activities become widespread. Individuals and private companies as well as nations are also involved in space activities. Outer space is not the monopoly of space powers such as the United States and Russia. The whole human race can benefit from free access to space, being the common heritage of mankind. In particular, outer space becomes an indispensable element of military activities and human life. Many countries are now entering space development, putting a lot of budget into new development programs. Republic of Korea also built the Narodo Space Center, starting its space development with budget and manpower. We have to find out ways to use space not only for military purposes but also for commercial space activities that can contribute to the national economy. In addition, through the joint efforts of the international community, we have to make efforts for preservation and peaceful use of space. Various issues relating to space activities and research should be studies in order to contribute to the progress of humanity. Those issues include the definition of outer space, space debris reduction and environmental conservation issues, non-bind measure cooperation - European International Code of Conduct, space law and national legislation related empowerment issues, arms control measures in space, and restrictions on the use of nuclear fuel. We also need to be involved in the discussion of those issues as one of responsible space countries. In addition, we try to find out regional cooperation schemes such as the ESA in the Europe actively. Currently in the Northeast Asia, cooperation bodies led by Japan and China respectively, are operated in the confrontational way. To avoid such confrontation, a new cooperative body needs to be established for cooperation on space exploration and information. The system to allow the exchange of satellite information for early warning of natural disasters needs to be built as well. In addition, efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the relevant international treaties on space, and fill in the blanks in international space laws should be made at the same time. To this end, we have to do a leading role in the establishment of standards such as non-binding measures (resolution) - Code of Conduct, being discussed in the UN and other organizations, and compliance with those standards. Courses in aerospace should be requires in law schools and educational institutes, and professional manpower need to be nurtured. In addition, the space-related technology and policy needs to be jointly studied among the private, public, and military groups, and the cross exchange among them should be encouraged.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.29 no.5 s.101
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• pp.439-445
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• 2005

Recently, owing to the increasing demand on the simplification of arrival and departure procedures, IMO's (International Maritime Organization) Facilitation Committee (FAL) is carrying out the standardization project of arrival and departure formalities and clearance form. Also, many port authorities of developed countries are making active researches for the smooth flow and efficiency of the information inbound and outbound ships by way of simplifying their formalities or through electronic means. However, this standardization project cannot be done by one country but by mutual cooperation among related nations. And to carry out this task, the first thing to be done is to standardize the formalities and document form, and to integrate information. To this end, this study has reviewed the model cases of advanced ports of developed countries with regard to their simplification and standardization efforts. And also we have analyzed the formalities and clearance form of the three countries Korea, China, and Japan. And then for the solution of common problems of three countries, this paper has suggested an ebXML-based Global Port B2B framework. Through this framework, we can reuse and automate the necessary information on the arrival and departure of ships, consequently realizing simplification, and laying a foundation for the introduction of e-commerce to the port industry.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.287-325
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• 2017

Considering the development of aerospace, military science and technology since the 20th century, the sky is very important for the nation's existence and prosperity. The proverb "Whosoever commands the space commands the world itself!" emphasizes the need for the command of the air. This essay is the first study on the status of airspace after reunification. First, the territorial airspace is over the territory and territorial sea, and its horizontal extent is determined by the territorial boundary lines. Acceptance of the present order is most reasonable, rather than attempting to reconfigure through historical truths about border issues, and it could be supported by neighboring countries in the reunification period. For peace in Northeast Asia, the reunified Korea needs to respect the existing border agreement between North Korea and China or Russia. However, the North Korean straight baselines established in the East Sea and the Yellow Sea should be discarded because they are not available under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is desirable for the reunified Korea to redefine the straight baselines that comply with international law and determine the territorial waters up to and including the 12-nautical mile outside it. Second, the Flight Information Region (hereinafter "FIR") is a region defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter "ICAO") in order to provide information necessary for the safe and efficient flight of aircraft and the search and rescue of aircraft. At present, Korea is divided into Incheon FIR which is under the jurisdiction of South Korea and Pyongyang FIR which is under the jurisdiction of North Korea. If North Korea can not temporarily exercise control of Pyongyang FIR due to a sudden change of circumstances, it is desirable for South Korea to exercise control of Pyongyang FIR, and if it is unavoidable, ICAO should temporarily exercise it. In reunified Korea, it is desirable to abolish Pyongyang FIR and integrate it into Incheon FIR with the approval of ICAO, considering systematic management and control of FIR, establishment of route, and efficiency of management. Third, the Air Defense Identification Zone (hereinafter "ADIZ") is a zone that requires easy identification, positioning, and control of aircraft for national security purposes, and is set up unilaterally by the country concerned. The US unilaterally established the Korea Air Defense Identification Area (KADIZ) by the Declaration of Commitment on March 22, 1951. The Ministry of Defense proclaimed a new KADIZ which extended to the area including IEODO on December 13, 2013. At present, North Korea's military warning zone is set only at maritime boundaries such as the East Sea and the Yellow Sea. But in view of its lack of function as ADIZ in relations with China and Russia, the reunified Korea has no obligation to succeed it. Since the depth of the Korean peninsula is short, it is necessary to set ADIZ boundary on the outskirts of the territorial airspace to achieve the original purpose of ADIZ. Therefore, KADIZ of the reunified Korea should be newly established by the boundary line that coincides with the Incheon FIR of the reunified Korea. However, if there is no buffer zone overlapping with or adjacent to the ADIZs of neighboring countries, military tensions may rise. Therefore, through bilateral negotiations for peace in Northeast Asia, a buffer zone is established between adjacent ADIZs.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.239-276
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• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.