• 제목/요약/키워드: North Korean missions

검색결과 12건 처리시간 0.024초

한국해군의 새로운 도전과 기동전단의 발전 방향 (The New Challenges for the Republic of Korea Navy and the Development of Maritime Task Flotilla's Force Development)

  • 김덕기
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권39호
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    • pp.163-197
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    • 2016
  • The completion of Jeju Naval Base on February 2016 made the Republic of Korea Navy(ROKN) review the size and role of the Maritime Task Flotilla(MTF). The new strategic environment for the 12st century and the new challenges require the Navy to counter North Korea's provocations and prevent potential enemy's threat. The Navy is also required to take part in the variety of international roles and missions commensurated with Korea's global status to maximize the national interest. Despite these changes, Korea's military construction concept is still unable to break away from the old paradigm of the North Korean threat largely centered. In order to develop the current MTF into the Task Group with the construction of Jeju Naval Base, the Navy must newly not only establish new force development plan and fleet management concepts but also go to persuade and convince policy decision makers. To this end, the following efforts should be promoted. First, the ROK Navy steps up efforts in order to share with the Task Group's vision and strategy. The Navy should also provide the size and structure as well as the missions and roles of the Task Group to react to new maritime security environment. Second, the Navy analyse the MTF's ability and what is required and necessary to perform its duty. After that, it must set out the direction of the Task Group's force development. Third, the current missions and roles of the MTF should be re-established to respond various threats. Finally, accommodating of new technology to the MTF should intensify its strengths. The ROK Navy has a mixed force structure consisting of three fixed- base fleets and a MTF. The fixed base fleet has a passive force to defend and protect its own sea areas, but the MTF should actively not only counter North Korea's threats, including ballistic missiles, but also fight potential threats and takes international missions as a primary task force. However, the MTF has a limited capability to accomplish given missions and long-range operations, and thus, the ROK Navy is strongly required to construct the Task Group.

교육선교로서의 북한선교에 관한 연구 (A Study on North Korean Missions as Christian Education)

  • 임창호
    • 기독교교육논총
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    • 제64권
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    • pp.21-50
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    • 2020
  • 본 연구는 러셀의 선교로서의 기독교교육론을 북한선교에 적용시켜, 향후 북한선교의 새로운 방향설정에 이정표 제시를 주목표로 하고 있다. 주지하는 바와 같이, 러셀은 기독교교육을 선교적 관점에서 새롭게 해석한 최초의 기독교교육학자이다. 그녀에 의하면, 기독교교육은 교회를 유지하고 새신자를 양육하여 성장시키기 위한 단순한 교회의 도구가 아니라, 보다 넓은 의미에서, 하나님의 선교에 속한 영역이다. 즉, 하나님과 이웃과의 화해를 통하여 참된 인간성을 회복시키시려는 하나님의 선교에 참여하도록, 남녀노소 할 것 없이 모든 사람에게 열려진 그리스도의 초청에 우리들이 참여하도록 제공된 방법이라는 것이다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 러셀의 기독교교육의 이해를 바탕으로, 서론과 제2장에서 현재까지의 북한선교사역의 상황과 분석, 북한이해를 위한 접근방법들과 기독교교육학 영역에서 선행된 북한선교와 통일관련 선행연구를 수행하였다. 제3장에서 러셀의 인간화선교교육 이론의 내용을 간략히 살펴보았고, 제4장에서는 러셀이론의 북한선교 영역에의 적용을 시도하였다. 북한선교 영역에서 선교대상인 북한주민(탈북민을 포함하여)의 참된 인간성 회복의 의미와 구체적 사역은 무엇인지, 현실적으로 지속가능한 인간화사역은 어떠해야 하는지, 북한주민에게 하나님과 또한 이웃들과 화해할 수 있도록 하는 현장은 어떠해야 하는지, 이러한 사역이 그리스도의 초청이라는 사실을 어떠한 방법으로 전달해야 하는지, 이 사역에 함께 참여하는 자들은 어떠한 준비가 필요로 한지, 나아가, 러셀의 인간화 선교교육으로서의 북한선교가 이전의 북한선교 방법들과 비교해 볼 때 어떤 면에서 훨씬 효과적일 수 있는 지를 살펴본 후, 마지막 제5장에서 전체글을 마무리 하였다.

Status of the MIRIS Data Reduction and Analysis

  • Pyo, Jeonghyun;Kim, Il-Joong;Jeong, Woong-Seob;Lee, Dae-Hee;Moon, Bongkon;Park, Youngsik;Park, Sung-Joon;Park, Won-Kee;Lee, Duk-Hang;Nam, Uk-Won;Han, Wonyong;Seon, Kwang-Il;Matsumoto, Toshio;Kim, Min Gyu;Lee, Hyung Mok
    • 천문학회보
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    • 제41권2호
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    • pp.37.2-37.2
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    • 2016
  • MIRIS (Multi-purpose InfraRed Imaging System) is a compact near-infrared space telescope launched in 2013 November as the main payload of STSAT-3 (Science and Technology Satellite 3). The main missions of MIRIS are 1) the $Pa{\alpha}$ line survey along the Galactic plane, 2) the large area (${\sim}10^{\circ}{\times}10^{\circ}$) surveys of three pole regions (north ecliptic pole, and north and south Galactic poles), and 3) the monitoring observations toward the north ecliptic pole. MIRIS started observations for the main missions in 2014 March and finished in 2015 May. While MIRIS was taking the observation data and afterward, we are continuing the analysis of data. Based on the results from analysis, the data reduction pipeline has been revised. In this talk, we introduce the revised version of the MIRIS data reduction pipeline and the status of the data reduction and anlaysis.

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유엔 안보리 대북제재 결의와 우리 해군의 대응 (UNSC Resolution against North Korea and ROKN's Reactions)

  • 박창권
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권39호
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    • pp.82-113
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    • 2016
  • This paper analyzes the contents and the effects of the UNSC 2270, and its implications to South Korea's defense strategy and navy. The UN Security Council passed strong sanctions against North Korea which punish North Korea's 4th nuclear test. The sanctions compared to the previous ones require international society to take practical actions such as comprehensive trade bans as well as diplomatic isolation which will put significant pains on North Korea. Especially, these measures would greatly hamper economic development policy of Kim Joung-un regime. Because Kim Jung-un regime has inherent legitimacy problems which stems from the third family succession of the power, economic difficulties may play an important cause on the regime instability in the long term. In fact, the United States sees this possibility as an option to coerce North Korea in which North Korea choose denuclearization for its regime survival. Nevertheless, the prospects of the UN sanctions are not so optimistic. Considering North Korea's willingness for nuclear development and its level of nuclear technology, North Korea will try to play a gambit with the US and South Korea by exploiting its strategic advantages. North Korea's response will have three following strategies. First, it would actively pursue political and economic survival strategy by using China's support for the regime, strengthening its power grip in the name of countering US hostile policy, and enhancing peace propaganda. Second, North Korea will accelerate efforts to position its status as a nuclear de facto state. For this purpose, it could create nuclear crisis on the peninsula. Third, it would exploit local provocations as an exit strategy to get over the current situation. In order to counter North Korea's actions and punish North Korea's behavior strongly, South Korea needs following strategies and efforts. It should first make all the efforts to implement the UN sanctions. Strong and practical nuclear deterrence strategy and capability with the U.S. should be developed. Effective strategy and capabilities for the prevention and deterrence of North Korea's provocation should be prepared. For this purpose, North Korea's provocation strategy should be thoroughly reviewed. Active international cooperation is needed to punish and coerce North Korea's behavior. Finally, South Korea should prepare for the possible occurrence of North Korea's contingency and make use of the situation as an opportunity to achieve unification. All these strategies and efforts demand the more active roles and missions of South Korea's navy and thus, nullify North Korea's intention militarily.

해양안보 위협 확산에 따른 한국 해군의 역할 확대방안 (Strategic Approaches and the Role of Naval Forces to Counter Increasing Maritime Threats)

  • 박창권
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권31호
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    • pp.220-250
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    • 2013
  • South Korean national security strategy should be developed to effectively handle and counter increasing maritime threats and challenges. There are three major maritime threats South Korea faces today; maritime disputes on the EEZ boundary and Dokdo islet issues, North Korean threats, and international maritime security. Maritime disputes in the region are getting intensified and turned into a military confrontation after 2010. Now regional countries confront each other with military and police forces and use economic leverage to coerce the others. They are very eager to create advantageous de facto situations to legitimize their territorial claims. North Korean threat is also increasing in the sea as we witnessed in the Cheonan incident and Yeonpyoung shelling in 2010. North Korea resorts to local provocations and nuclear threats to coerce South Korea in which it may enjoy asymmetric advantages. The NLL area of the west sea would be a main hot spot that North Korea may continue to make a local provocation. Also, South Korean national economy is heavily dependent upon foreign trade and national strategic resources such as oil are all imported. Without an assurance on the safety of sea routes, these economic activities cannot be maintained and expanded. This paper argues that South Korea should make national maritime strategy and enhance the strength of naval forces. As a middle power, its national security strategy needs to consider all the threats and challenges not only from North Korea but also to maritime security. This is not a matter of choice but a mandate for national survival and prosperity. This paper discusses the importance of maritime security, changing characteristics of maritime threats and challenges, regional maritime disputes and its threat to South Korea's security, and South Korea's future security strategy and ways to enhance the role of naval forces. Our national maritime strategy needs to show middle and long term policy directions on how we will protect our maritime interests. Especially, it is important to build proper naval might to carry out all the roles and missions required to the military.

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무궁화위성 2호의 동서위치유지 박스 설정에 관한 연구 (A Study on the East-West Station Keeping Box of Koreasat 2)

  • 이상철;김방엽;박봉규
    • 한국항공우주학회지
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    • 제31권9호
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    • pp.75-81
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    • 2003
  • 정지궤도 위성의 위치는 여러 외부 교란력에 의해서 끊임없이 움직이기 때문에 우주에서 한 점으로 정의할 수 없다. 따라서 정지궤도 위성의 통신방송과 같은 일반적 임무를 수행하기 위해서는 우주의 한정된 공간인 위치유지박스 내에 운용되어야 한다. 본 연구에서는 남북위치유지 오차보다 상대적으로 큰 동서 위치유지 박스를 설정하기 위해서 여러 오차들을 유도하여 정립하였다. 이를 이용하여 무궁화위성에서 사용하고 있는 7일의 위치유지주기를 검증하고 14일로 위치유지 주기를 늘릴 경우의 문제점을 분석하였다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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표적탐지를 위한 소형 SAR 군집위성의 성능지수 분석 (Analysis on Figure of Merits of Small SAR Constellation Satellites for Targets Detection)

  • 송수아;김홍래;장영근
    • 한국항공우주학회지
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    • 제47권2호
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    • pp.130-142
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    • 2019
  • 이동식미사일발사대(TEL)와 같은 시한성 긴급표적(TCT)에 대한 선제타격을 위해서는 관심지역(AoI)에서의 발사징후를 포착하는 탐지성능이 중요하다. 탐지성능의 극대화를 위해서는 재방문주기 및 시스템응답주기의 최소화를 위해 가능한 한 다수의 군집위성 전개가 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 6~48기의 소형 SAR 군집위성 전개 시 재방문주기와 응답주기의 특성을 분석하였다. 재방문주기는 북한의 전지역 및 특정지역에 대해 분석하였으며, 응답주기는 고정표적을 식별하는 [시나리오 1]과 이동표적을 탐지 및 식별하는 [시나리오 2]로 분류하여 분석을 수행하였다. 특히, [시나리오 2]의 TCT 탐지임무 운용에 대한 응답주기 분석은 특정 면적에 대한 관측 누적 커버리지의 최적화 분석을 통해 수행하였다. 그리고 탐지임무의 최적 성능을 위한 군집궤도 형상을 분석하였다.

유라시아 지역의 해군 전력 과시: 시진핑 주석과 푸틴 대통령 체제 하에 펼쳐지는 중러 해상합동훈련 (Eurasian Naval Power on Display: Sino-Russian Naval Exercises under Presidents Xi and Putin)

  • Richard Weitz
    • 해양안보
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    • 제5권1호
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    • pp.1-53
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    • 2022
  • 중러 관계 강화는 강대국 경쟁이 재개되고 있음을 보여주는 한 가지 징후라고 볼 수 있다. 공식적인 방위동맹을 체결하지 않았음에도 불구하고 양국의 군사관계가 강화되고 있다는 사실을 눈여겨 볼 필요가 있다. 특히, 중국과 러시아가 세계 최강의 해군력을 보유하고 있다는 점에 비추어 본다면, 양국간 해양안보협력 강화는 최근 수년 간 나타난 국제안보 전개상황 중 가장 중요한 양상으로 꼽을 수 있다. 여러 플랫폼과 장소에서 펼쳐진 중러 해상합동훈련은 고위급 인사교류와 중국의 대규모 러시아 무기 구매, 중러 우호조약 체결 및 다양한 협력형태로 수년간 지속되었다. 양국간 해상합동훈련은 냉전기의 대치국면이 종식된 직후 시작되었으나, 그 중요성은 최근 십년의 기간 동안 더욱 부각되고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 해상합동훈련이 양국 국방동맹의 핵심으로 부상하고 있기 때문이다. 양국은 그 어느 때보다도 다양한 장소에서 다양한 무기체계를 활용해 해상훈련에 임하고 있다. 앞으로 양국의 합동군사훈련은 북극, 초음속 운반수단, 아프리카, 아시아, 중동의 신규 파트너를 비롯해 새로운 위치와 전력을 동원해 펼쳐질 가능성이 크다. 또한, 경비함정 및 제병 연합부대를 동원한 해상합동 훈련을 수행하는 등 최근에 보여준 획기적인 전개를 지속할 것으로 보인다. 중국과 러시아는 양자간 해군협력을 토대로 일련의 목표를 추구하고 있다. 중화인민공화국과 러시아 연방 사이에 체결된 선린우호협력조약 (Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation)은 공동방어 조항을 포함하고 있지는 않지만, 공동의 위협에 대해 상호 논의하도록 언급하고 있다. 전통적/비전통적 군사작전 (예: 대해적 작전, 인도적 구호 및 최고수준의 전투수행)을 모의하는 해상훈련은 합동군사활동을 통해 공동의 도전과제에 대한 양국의 대응력을 강화하는 수단이 된다. 이러한 합동훈련이 전투력 측면에서 높은 수준의 상호운용성을 구현하지 못하더라도, 이를 통해 중러 양국이 단합된 해군력을 동원할 수 있는 역량을 갖추고 있다는 사실을 국제사회에 알릴 수 있다. 양국의 해상무역의존도나 영해를 둘러싼 국가간 갈등을 감안하면 이는 중요한 메시지라고 할 수 있다. 한편으로는 해상합동훈련을 통해 자국의 전투력을 향상시키고, 동시에 서로의 전략, 전술, 전투기술 및 절차에 대한 이해를 강화할 수 있다. 점차 부상하고 있는 중국 해군은 특히 러시아군으로 부터 많은 혜택을 얻을 수 있다. 러시아군은 복수의 제병협동작전을 중심으로 중국인민해방군 (People's Liberation Army, PLA) 보다 훨씬 많은 해상임무수행 경험을 보유하고 있기 때문이다. 그러나 한편으로는 전투력 강화를 통해 양국 정치지도자들이 군사력을 동원하거나 다른 국가와 대치할 경우, 긴장을 더 고조시키는 방향을 선택할 가능성이 더욱 커졌다는 부정적인 측면이 지적된다. 이러한 모든 영향은 양국 해군이 대부분의 해상합동훈련을 수행하는 동북아시아 지역에 더욱 큰 파급력을 미친다. 동북아시아 지역은 중국과 러시아가 미국 및 일본과 벌이는 그리고 불편한 상태로 한국을 사이에 둔 해상에서의 대치상황이 펼쳐지는 격전지가 되고 있다. 중러 해군 협력 강화가 공고해지면서 한미 군사계획이 더욱 복잡해지고, 북한에 집중되어야 할 자원이 전환되어 결국 지역 안보환경을 악화시키는 결과로 이어지고 있다. 한미일 해군 실무자의 입장에서는 중러 해군이 모두 포함된 시나리오를 수립해야 할 필요성이 더욱 커지고 있다. 가령, 한미 정책 결정가들은 중러 군사력의 공동 무력대응에 대비하기 위해 미 국방부가 과도한 지출을 하게 만들고, 한반도에서 한미안보 부재가 발생하지 않도록 대한민국 해군을 신속하게 보충해야 하는 상황이 발생하게 되었다. 북한이 한국 및 동맹국과 해상에서 대치할 경우 이를 중러 해군이 지원할 수 있다는 가능성은 또다른 심각한 도전을 제기한다. 이 같은 긴급사태 발생 가능성을 고려해 안보결속을 강화하겠다는 한일 간의 약속을 토대로, 한미일 3국 공동군사훈련을 더욱 확대할 필요가 있다.

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무선 주파수 신호 특성 데이터를 사용한 비지도 학습 기반의 위협 탐지 시스템 (Unsupervised Learning-Based Threat Detection System Using Radio Frequency Signal Characteristic Data)

  • 박대경;이우진;김병진;이재연
    • 인터넷정보학회논문지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.147-155
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    • 2024
  • 현재 4차 산업 혁명은 다른 혁명처럼 인류에게 커다란 변화와 새로운 삶을 가져다주고 있으며, 특히 빅데이터, 인공지능, ICT 등 다양한 기술들을 합쳐 응용할 수 있는 드론에 대한 수요와 활용도가 증가하고 있다. 최근에는 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁, 북한의 대남 정찰 등 위험한 군사 작전 및 임무를 수행하는 데 많이 사용되고 있으며 드론에 대한 수요와 활용도가 높아짐에 따라 드론의 안전성과 보안에 대한 우려가 커지고 있다. 현재 드론에 관련된 무선 통신 이상 탐지, 센서 데이터 이상 탐지 등 다양한 연구가 진행되고 있지만, 무선 주파수 특성 데이터를 사용하여 위협을 실시간으로 탐지하는 연구는 미비하다. 따라서, 본 논문에서는 실제 환경과 유사한 HITL(Hardware In The Loop) 시뮬레이션 환경에서 드론이 미션을 수행하는 동안 지상 제어 시스템과 통신하면서 발생하는 무선 주파수 신호 특성 데이터를 수집하여 특성 데이터가 정상 신호 데이터인지 비정상 신호 데이터인지 판단하는 연구를 진행하였다. 또한, 드론이 미션을 수행하는 중 실시간으로 위협 신호를 탐지할 수 있는 비지도 학습 기반의 위협 탐지 시스템 및 최적의 임계값을 제안한다.