• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.18 no.11
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• pp.201-212
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• 2013

This study divides and traces experience courses of families' disorganization and reorganization of North Korean refugees in North Korea, China, and South Korea after settlement respectively, from the course of their escaping North Korea to entering South Korea. Through these results, the study is to propose political implications. Main data for the study were analyzed through a case study as a qualitative study method, targeting eight people from July in 2012 to March in 2013. From the study result, though North Korean refugees seemed to disorganize and leave family relations in the course of escaping North Korea, it was found out that this is not disorganization but a preparatory stage which saves families standing at the crossroads of life and death and makes a chance to live with them someday. In these courses, in order for them to overcome their situations and survive, while repeating disorganization and reorganization of families, they used them as a way of saving themselves and their families. It was discovered that these phenomena always occurred simultaneously.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.113-147
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• 2014

While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.63-67
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• 2017

With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.180-214
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• 2015

The Republic of Korea navy challenged from the unexpected surprise attacks by the North Korea navy, albeit, the developments of up-to-date naval forces' technology, and the ceaseless efforts for war preparedness. My study divided into two categories. Qualitative methods used for literature review of international relations theory related to the war onset and for investigating events occurred on the Peninsula and its surrounding seas from 1968 to 2007. Quantitative method used such as the analyses of national power index of the two Koreas, the United States, and China, the uses of equation model to calculate power index of alliance, COPDAB(Conflict and Peace Data Bank) index analysis. Like Choi's study on East Asia maritime conflict, as a conclusion, considering both AT theory and maritime national power as a tool for predicting maritime conflict in the Peninsula proved significant. Based on the study, ROK navy need to prepare for the maritime conflict because the results showed North Korea would initiate maritime disputes sooner or later using fatal asymmetric forces and methods. As a policy suggestion, we are required to maintain a concrete ROK-US alliance ties and to construct naval forces due to the deterring functions of maritime national power.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.802-813
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• 2016

This study examined the Japanese and Chinese journalist's views on anti-Korean wave, who are the public and authoritative discourse producers in Japan and China, respectively. In so doing, the study aims to understand the ways in which the phenomena of anti-Korean wave take place and are diffused. According to the findings, anti-Korean wave in north-east Asia is affected by anti-Korea sentiments that have been induced from historical and political relations as well as cultural conflicts. In specific, the anti-Korea sentiments found in both Japan and China are geopolitical particularity and historical relations function to frame their cultural receptions of Korean pop culture. In other words, the phenomena of anti-Korean wave in both countries do not stem directly from local audiences' either discontents or apathy on Korean pop contents. However, while Japanese anti-Korean wave seems to be mere expressions of anti-Korea sentiments, Chinese sentiments of anti-Korean wave are triggered and transferred by, or articulated with their anti-Korea sentiments.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.267-286
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• 2017

The main purpose of this paper is to identify the spatiality of North Korea and China border regions through investigating the exceptional characteristics of the regions with the concept of positionality, which allows us to realize the relative position between subject and object. Border regions could be identified appropriately by considering the concept of switching positionality, as it is a kind of multiple space in which its sudden closure and opening should be configured in accordance with geopolitical and geoeconomic changes centering around border line. The main arguments of this research concerned with border regions with the concept of switching positionality are fallen into three. Firstly, changes in border regions should be analyzed by investigating more broader contexts and conjunctural perspectives, and even an internal condition stemmed from locality. Secondly, trajectories of border regions could be analyzed by the assemblages of various powers. Finally, the positionality of economic actors should be examined by identifying dynamic relations between geoeconomics and geopolitics. In particular, the concept of positionality has led to a number of insights into discussions on time-space, and spatiality in relational-dialectical, socio-spatial, and power-topological perspectives. Based upon this concept of positionality, the research has identified exceptional characteristics in North Korea and China border regions. It argues that the exceptionality of the region has stemmed from the intersection between the unstability of geopolitical security and various geoeconomic benefits.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1145-1150
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• 2018

In order to realize the new diplomatic development for the establishment of 'Asia Fate Community', Xi Jinping has adopted a "One Road, One Belt" policy. Based on five core philosophies, One Road, One Belt with neighboring countries has been established to full-sided cooperation and mutual benefit relations. In this paper, I would like to suggest some suggestions on how to use China's One Road, One Belt policy and Korea's Eurasian Initiative in Development strategy of tourism contents. First, The bridge role of Korean companies should lead to the development of tourism contents. Second, the promotion of tourism contents development for Chinese individual tourists should lead to another tourism contents. Third, we need to find ways to win joint orders with local companies in China so that they can lead to tourism contents. Fourth, seeking active use of workers and international students living in Korea. Fifth, the development of tourism contents based on cooperative relationship with North Korea.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.121-131
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• 2023

The Chinese three northeastern three provinces - Heilongjiang, Liaoning, and Jilin - hold significant geographical, geopolitical, and commercial importance due to their location allowing for cross-border trade and transportation with North Korea. These provinces are crucial for establishing a complex Eurasian logistics network in line with South Korea's new northern policy. The Chinese three northeastern three provinces, as this region is known, boasts excellent maritime transportation links between South Korea, China, and North Korea, making it an logistics hub for transporting goods to Eurasia and Europe through multimodal transport. This study highlights the importance of securing a logistics hub area by fostering cooperation and friendly relations with China's three northeastern three provinces, which are crucial to the success of the New Northern Policy. In particular, the study aims to analyze current status of trade with these region and freight volume transported by ships and recommend political advice for securing logistics hub and revitalizing maritime transport. As the policy suggestion, this study is to establish a logistics hub by implementing joint port operations, constructing port infrastructure jointly, and operating shipping companies together. Additionally, we propose ways to revitalize the maritime passenger transport business between Korea and China, which involves expanding cultural exchanges and developing content.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.57-82
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• 1994

This paper is the result of the researches and the field surveys of the villages and the dwellings of Korean immigrants in Yien-Pien area, north-eastern China. This study aims to persue both of the origin and the process of development of their settlements and dwelling types from late 19C to the present. Their processes are too complex to analysis by single view-point. I have eyes to interprete them from three pionts; 1)correspondences between the dwelling types and the econo-political history of their region, 2)cultural assimilation with the native dwelling types, and 3)the direction of their modernization with the economical development of modern China. Three village types have been pioneered; 1)the villages of indivisual immigration, 2)the villages of planned group immigration, and 3)the villages of socilistic reform villages of 1) were composed of organic village patterns and various shaped dwelling lots on the sloped site; villages both of 2) and 3), gird patterns and uniformed lots on open fields. Historically, villages of 1) were pioneered before 1931; villages of 2), 1936-1945; villages of 3), from 1945. Each of dwelling types had strong relations with the village types to which it belonged. Before 1931, dwellings were built up based on so called "Ham-buk dwelling type" which was dominent in north-eastern Korea. In the era of gruop-immigration, various dwelling types were flew into Yen-Pien from southern Korea. In modern China, their southern types were changed into Yen-Pien type as similar as Ham-book type. After 1945, with the Great leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, as communization of indivisual properties and reorganization of rural communities, each of dwellings became smaller and simpler in aspects of scales as well as functions. There are two types in Yen-Pien dwellings, those are 'single-file' and 'double-file' type. Three sub-types of latter arc 'six-bays', 'eight-bays', and rarely 'ten-bays'. The most common element of all types is Chong-ju-k'an; which is large room with heated floor, openig to kitchen. Now, modern dwellings of Korean immigrants are changing their spatial compositions, materials, and structures. With cultural assimilation as well as modernization, especially in urban areas, they are compelled to accept the elements of Chinese dwellings. But the spatial element of "Chong-ju-k'an", which is the core element of Yen-Pien dwelling type, never fade away nor is changed.