• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.243-265
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• 2010

North Korea sharing a border with China has developed economic relations with China for a long time. During the cold war(from 1950s to late 1980s), political, military and economic ties between the two countries have become stronger because they had maintained the same political and economic system. However their economic relations have significantly changed after China has adopted market economies since the late 1970s. In particular, trade volume has been shrinked significantly since the late 1990s when China began to ask hard currency payments in their commercial transactions. This paper aims to investigate the conditions and prospects of trade and logistics relations between North Korea and China including the problems existed and then make some suggestions to foster their trade relations. In conclusion in order to develop its trade relations with China, it is suggested that North Korea should make significant changes in its economic and logistics system including infrastructure, institutional schemes, social and trade practices ect. because most problems in bilateral trade have been incurred from North Korea.

• Journal of Korean language education
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.47-75
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• 2012

Korean Studies in China is centered on Korean language program and is very successful, creating and instilling positive images of Korea. In China, Korean Studies means both North Korea and South Korea and is called "Korean Studies," "Chosun Studies," "Peninsula Studies" or "Chosun Peninsula Studies." Korean Studies includes international economics, South Korea-North Korea relations, Korea-China relations, centering on international relations as well as domestic issues of South Korea and North Korea. It has continued to develop despite limitations due to South and North Koreas' domestic political situations. However, changing in Korea-China relations is an important factor in expansion of Korean Studies. According to the time period, subjects and the areas of studies vary, significantly affecting the results. Despite the fact that Korean Studies in China has experienced identity crisis, it continues to maintain Chinese perspective, endeavoring to form Chinese Studies School. It is developing to promote friendship and cooperation between the two countries as well as to enhance economic ties. Presently researching on Korean Studies and Korean language education in China is influenced by practical motives and needs, rather than pure academic purposes. This study analyzes what Korean Studies in China means and how it has progressed. After examining Chinese scholars' identities and differences in their approaches, I plan to propose the direction for Korean Studies in China.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.7-44
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• 2024

This article attempts to analyze the changes and prospects of the Northeast Asian security environment in the era of New-Cold War & multipolarity that has been spreading since the outbreak of the US-China strategic competition and the war in Ukraine. Since the war in Ukraine, changes in the new strategic triangle between the United States, China, and Russia have begun to have an unprecedented impact on the Northeast Asian security environment. This article analyzes how the two factors, the U.S.-China strategic competition and the war in Ukraine, have led to changes in the Northeast Asian security environment. More specifically, the recent changes and prospects of the China-Russia-North Korea triangle and the three bilateral relationships, China-Russia, China-North Korea, and Russia-North Korea. To analyze this research topic, the research design is based on three variables: independent, mediating, and dependent variables. The independent variables are changes in U.S.-China relations and changes in U.S.-Russia relations. The mediating variables are the US-China strategic competition and the war in Ukraine. On the one hand, the confrontation between the U.S.-China relationship led to a strategic competition, and on the other hand, the conflict between the U.S.-Russia relationship led to the war in Ukraine. In addition, the two independent variables can only be influenced by the two mediating variables. In particular, we assume that the domestic political factors of the three major powers, the United States, China, and Russia, played a significant role in causing the two mediating variables. The independent variables and mediating variables work together to promote the Northeast Asian security crisis. As a result, threats to the Northeast Asian security environment have emerged as the dependent variable. The dependent variables are the North Korea-China-Russia triangle, changes in the three bilateral relationships within the triangle, and the confrontation of Northern Triangle versus Southern Triangle. The first mediating variable, strategic competition, has led to several changes in the Northeast Asian security environment: the quasi-alliance of Sino-Russian relations, the restoration and strengthening of North Korea-China relations, the strengthening of trilateral security cooperation between the United States, Japan and South Korea, and the increasing necessity of Sino-Russian-North Korean trilateral cooperation. The second mediating variable, the war in Ukraine, has led to the strengthening of Sino-Russian relations, re-alignment of North Korea-Russia relations, the promotion of the US-Japan-ROK triangular alliance, and the emergence of the China-Russia-North Korea triangular cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.114-139
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• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.361-383
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• 2009

This study extends theoretically the expected utility model of trade-conflict developed by Polacheck if a third country is involved, and analyses empirically how trade between North Korea and China affects to the political conflict between South and North Korea. The results of empirical analysis show that North Korea's exports to South Korea and China do not affect the conflict or cooperative relations between South and North Korea. But North Korea's imports from South Korea and China affect to the conflict between South and North Korea: increasing of North Korea's imports to South Korea reduce conflict between South and North Korea, but increasing of North Korea's imports to China increase conflict between South and North Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.113-136
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to start from the recognition of the problem of why the sanctions of the international community could not indicate a great effect. In order to find answers to this question, this study focuses on China's aid to North Korea and analyzes the determinants of support for North Korea. Despite a tough international community's sanctions against North Korea, China has taken a dual stance on sanctions and support for North Korea. As for this dual attitude of China, this study approaches the internal and external situation of the support to the North with the rationale for the Two-level game theory. China's sanction against North Korea could be divided into two categories: external factors and domestic factors. These factors include strengthening supremacy in China, checking the US, playing a responsible role in China, securing resources in North Korea, sustaining stable growth in China, maintaining the legitimacy of China's socialist political system, and spreading the Beijing consensus. Based on the analysis of these factors, it could be expected that China's aid for North Korea will be official, informal, or continuous, and it will be difficult for the North to stop supporting North Korea or deteriorating North Korea- China relations.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.61-83
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• 2020

From 1959 to 1984, over 93,000 Koreans moved to North Korea from Japan as part of a repatriation project conducted during this time. Among them were people who had escaped from North Korea and immigrated to Japan and South Korea as well as the descendants of such people. This research examines the immigration trajectories of North Korean defectors related to the repatriation project and its effects on international relations in East Asia in a migration systems context. Specifically, it focuses on 26 North Korean defectors who have connections with Japan and settled in Japan and South Korea. It argues that the migration pathways of North Korean defectors linked with the repatriation project have been constructed with the cooperation of and amidst conflict between East Asian countries. To respond to the situation, North Korean defectors used their connections with Japan in amicable relations between Japan and China. However, after the relations went sour, defectors turned to informal transitional networks. If these strategies were unavailable, the defectors faced difficulties, unless they received social or capital support from the destination countries. After entering the destination country, those who settled in Japan have experienced different situations due to the inconsistency in administrative proceedings, while those in South Korea have been treated equally as other defectors. In this sense, some defectors have faced precarious situations in their immigration.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.275-288
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• 2004

The rising of east-north economic bloc is notable in world economy due to the rapidly growth of china economy. The China's economic standing is gradually higher and higher because the joining of the WTO at 2001, development of the exterior open-door policy and the expansion of the trade between chain and several nations. Since Korea and China normalized diplomatic ties in 1992, the two have made remarkable progress in bilateral relations in the fields of economy and diplomacy in particular. The amount of Korea's trade with China has increased by over 20% a year on the average because of the development of the economic cooperation of Korea and China. That is to say, China was sixth trade partner by the end of 1993, based on the amount of trade. But China became third partner at 1993, second partner at 2003 and first partner at the first half of 2004, based on the amount of trade. Korea can not trade with China from the Korea's port opening period to Cold War period after second world war. But historically, the two countries have shared a active and long history of trade relations from the ancient times up to now. This is because two countries get near geographically and two countries have a implication of history and culture. Not only had Korea trade with China at prehistoric age, but also at BC 7. We knew that Korea had traded with China very actively at ancient times through the Paekje(Korea's ancient country) people's village at Santung province and Changbogo's trade works. Korea-china trade relation has played an important role for the development of world economy. Therefor, based on reviewing the korea-china trade, I study the historical meaning of the trade at the region of east-north asia.