• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.39 no.5
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• pp.89-105
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• 2001

This study on Jeung San Kyo, one of Korea's new religions, considered the name, kind, form, color and the thoughts of ritual dress which is involved in 15 religious blanches acting currently according to books and the actual research. The following is below. 1 Each names of ritual dresses called rigious branches are Bob Bok(법복), Doh Bok(도복), Yeah Bok(예복) and Jea Bok(제복). 2 In most religious blanches, ritual dress is the Korean cloths which Poh is wear above and Kwan is put on, and the form of Poh(포) is the similar with Durumagi(두루마기), Danryungpoh(단령포), Jungchimak(중치막), Jikryungpoh(직령포) etc, but not the form of Git, Moo and Yiohmim. Kwanmoh is named Chill-Chung-Kwan(칠층관), Yiun-Hwa-Kwan(연화관), Yiun-Kwan(연관), In-Hwa-Kwan(인화관), Tong-Chon-Kwan(통천관) etc. 3. In most religious orders but Dae Suun Jin Li Hueay(대순진리회), Jeung San Doe Jang(증산도장), Colors are used, white, lightblue, and yellow is used in Jeung San Pop Jong Kyo(증산법종교), Dong Doe Pop Jong Gyum Gang Doe(동도법 종금강도). White color means the mind of a people tradition, and light blue expresses an Oriental nation, namely, “Korea”, and is the color representing Jeung San Kyo, and yellow shows the central religion in the future. 4. Jeung San Kyo ceremony fashion reflects the ideologies of the principal role, the Um and Yang-five elements, and, nationalism according to form, color.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.24
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• pp.19-31
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• 2011

This article examines the historical view of Benito $P{\acute{e}}rez$ $Gald{\acute{o}}s$ in his historical novel named "Zaragoza" and "$C{\acute{a}}novas$" by comparing with Numancia of Cervantes. In front of the national survival crisis, $Gald{\acute{o}}s$ recognizes that it is necessary that Spain should recover humanity and morality on basis of the krausist ideal. The krausists warned subjective idealism, stressing on free-will and moral conscience in a harmonious balance of rationality. Without refusing patriotism, they warned egoistic patriotism deformed by national selfishness or nationalism. Giner de los Ríos insisted on a necessity of harmonizing national inclination and universal one. $Gald{\acute{o}}s$ emphasizes that the identity of Spain is not possession of privileged class but sweat and tears of the mass of people in daily life. He represents Efemera as the ideal history on the basis of Unamuno's 'intrahistoria', by which, instead of $Luk{\acute{a}}cs^{\prime}$ progressive history, we can peep into a historical poetics of human free nature and vividness of discontinuous and endless shifting. According to the sub-history, we come to the conclusion that $Gald{\acute{o}}s$ and Cervantes would lay emphasis on sub-history, aiming to essence of Spanish soul originated from national landscape and people's daily life.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.39
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• pp.153-176
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• 2015

Poet, painter and publisher, Roland $Gigu{\grave{e}}re$ is one of Quebec's outstanding figures, inspired by both Surrealism and Quebec nationalism. He participated in contemporary artistic movement 'Phases' and influenced collective self-awareness and political ferment, 'Quiet Revolution'. In La Main au feu(1973), his poetry represent a landscape dominated by darkness in contrast with red color of fire from the volcanic crater. The world is immersed in darkness of despair which allude to the Great Darkness of Quebec society. Acts of violence assume many different forms: crows, black rain, dark flow, frenzy of knife blows. Both things and humans are in the state of absence or lack. Life falls into opacity of death. In the background of dark landscape, we discover Miror, a singular character. Similar to chain of mountains and to bare forest, he is a creature that shape the tragic inner world of poet. He is as like as seismograph that record the tremble of being. Finally, in order to fight the darkness of environment, the poet attempt to use the power of fire of volcanoes. The flow of magma become paintings of his dream and the flame of eruption, poetry of cry toward the sky. 'La main au feu' means the will to resist injustice and repression in the world. The tragic reality is replaced by a dream that become second reality out of reach of the force of hostile external circumstances.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.249-272
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• 2012

Diaspora studies has become one of the fastest growing field in the humanities over the past several decades, and the use of term diaspora has been widening to include almost any population on the move. Diaspora literature not only mirrors but actively incorporates this new notion of diaspora with characters "at the threshold" navigating new territories and identities. Querying how diaspora studies intersects with theatre and performance, this paper attempts to probe how recent Korean American drama parallels and promotes diaspora studies' radical departure from traditional notions of identities and territories. For this purpose, this essay 1) examines theoretical affinities between diaspora studies and performance studies 2) investigates how Sung Rno's plays, Cleveland Raining and wAve, explore and embody multiple and evolving meanings of Korean diaspora on the stage 3) examines how theatre can create the third space that transcends both Korean and American nationalism and 4) speculates possibilities of reframing Asian American Studies as Asian diaspora studies. Korean American characters in Rno's play redirect diasporic identities, as their concern gradually moves from "where I come from" to "where I go to." Instead of remaining in the dark as a mere spectator, both Rno and his characters choose to be 'on' the stage where they can imagine, perform, and realize (however temporarily) "unimaginable community" by confronting their own social, political, and cultural ambivalence. Stage, the threshold between reality and fiction, Korea and America, and past and future, becomes their true 'home' where they incubate and precipitate "nation in transformation" that Yan Haiping argues for as "another transnational."

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.135-150
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• 2018

Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$ (1864-1940) was one of the most significant Azerbaijani Turkish intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, formulating Azerbaijani national identity around its Turkish, Islamic and territorial dimensions. His solution to the ambiguities of the identity crisis among the Turkic-Muslim people of Azerbaijan was Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization for the Turkic and Muslim peoples of the Caucasus and Ottoman Turkey. Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$ was an influential Azerbaijani Turkish intellectual who had a direct impact on Turkish nationalists in the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey. $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade^{\prime}s$ formulation of the triple processes of Turkification, Islamization and Europeanization spread among the Azerbaijani and Ottoman Turkish intellectuals in their respective countries. This article aims to discuss the ideas of Ali Bey $H{\ddot{u}}seyinzade$, especially regarding nationality, religion and Westernism and their impact on intellectuals and policy makers in the Caucasus and Turkey. His physical odyssey from Tsarist Russia into the Ottoman Empire is indicative of his ideological proclivities and his subsequent influence on the Turkish-speaking peoples in the two major empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.217-256
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• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.157-175
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• 2020

This paper presents the work of Southeast Asian scholar Ramon Guillermo. Using sophisticated computer-aided methods, Guillermo approaches a range of topics in the wide fields of social sciences and the humanities. A creative writer as well as an activist, Guillermo grounds his studies in nationalism and Marxism. Particularly interested in Indonesian and Philippine society and culture, Guillermo engages with the writings of labor leaders Tan Malaka and Lope K. Santos, translations of Marx's Capital into Bahasa and Filipino, and studies as well the discursive and historical connections between the Communist Parties of both countries. The paper aims to introduce the innovations of Guillermo's studies, particularly in the fields of cultural studies and translation studies. The type of cultural studies Guillermo practices is empirical, taking inspiration from innovations done in the digital humanities. Guillermo is most opposed to trendy, fashion-seeking approaches that are not grounded on history. He reserves particular ire for "hip" postcolonialism, and instead praises studies that are founded on politics and materialism. In translation studies, Guillermo goes beyond the mere cataloguing of mistakes. For him, it is the mistakes and "perversities" of a translation that is interesting and illuminating. Guillermo himself is a translator, and the paper ends with a brief discussion of his production in this field.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.127-145
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• 2022

Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.513-530
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• 2009

The history of Chechnya is characterized by the resistance against the invasions of different foreign countries. Among them, the conflict against the Soviet Union, or Russia has been lasted approximately 200 years and it still remains unsettled. The relation between both country was deteriorated when the Chechnya declared their independence from Russia, and this resulted in the long-lasted war between Russia and Chechnya. One of the driving force of the war for Chechnya was its religion, Islam. The Islam and the brotherhood of Sufi Islam are integrated with Chechen nationalism and they were the key factors during the war against Russia. In this present paper, we will deal with the Chechen national culture and its identification, the conflict history of Chechnya-Russia, Islamization of Chechen, and the power of Sufi Islam in Chechnya in order to give a careful consideration to the conflict between both countries.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

The maritime industry is important for Korean international trade, as more than 99 percent of its imports and exports are moved by maritime transportation. However, if maritime transportation is stopped in the event of an emergency, such as war or natural disaster, there is a danger that imports and exports may cease abruptly. Coping with this risk is why the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, manages the 'National Necessary Shipping System.' This system requires that the government estimates the size of ships necessary in the case of an emergency, and the ships designated as National Necessary Vessels should transport goods in the case of actual emergencies. This study seeks to estimate the appropriate size of ships required in an emergency using the latest data and applying a quantitative methodology. This study provides useful reference materials for policy authorities. In particular, it is meaningful that this study estimates the required number of ships of each vessel type, reflecting the recent trend of large-scale ships and expanding global trade.