• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2021

With the steady rise in global popularity of the Korean music group BTS, the South Korean government and surrounding industries have swiftly begun utilizing their image and international recognition for specific nation branding purposes. While K-pop soft power strategies are not novel to the South Korean state, what is new is the rapid speed at which BTS have become a beacon for South Korean culture, language, and symbolism in the international arena. However, few scholarly works have sought to investigate the role fans have played in this heightened position for the group as state representatives, with minimal research conducted into the work fans do within the framework of ARMY fan culture. This paper will thus aim to fill the gap in scholarship on ARMY as an organized labour network, focusing on the role fans play as labourers in online spaces that work to promote, disseminate, and cultivate wider recognition for BTS as artists. Through the conjunct engagement of a political economy framework and theories of participatory culture, this paper will explore the manner through which the free labour of ARMY, premised on affect, has constructed the fandom as active agents of soft power alongside BTS themselves.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.89-103
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• 2015

Over the last decade, the field of Southeast Asian Studies has been inundated with issues of its "territory" (or the definition of what comprises Southeast Asia), relevance and future. The methodology of approaching Southeast Asian Studies has also come under constant scrutiny providing much fodder for debate. One significant suggestion was that the field of Southeast Asian Studies should "break out of the comfort zone" (Van Schendel, Bijdragen, 2012:168(4)). This paper will explore some of the ways of approaching Southeast Asian Studies beyond that comfort zone by examining other/alternative units of studying Southeast Asia in place of the traditional (or statist) perspectives that tend to confine the field within the scope of the national/nation-state boundaries. The paper will also provide some personal observations of the author on the current state and limitations to teaching and researching Southeast Asian Studies in the region.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. Dasarism has two features; one is nationalism and the other is centrism. His nationalism recognizes national identity and national sovereignty as two faces of one coin and sublates nationalism and globalism. His centrism is thought to be a route to true democracy which can sublate liberalism and communism and a route to nation's sovereignty. However, his dasarism did not make any impact on political reality of that day. Its today's value must reside in its proposals to harmonize nation and world, and to protect the social weak, and to pursue a central route of reunification.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.473-493
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• 2011

This paper aims, first, to trace the trajectory of Sebastian Barry's dramatic works in terms of retrieving the hidden (hi)stories of his family members, and second, to analyze his most successful play to date in both critical and commercial senses, The Steward of Christendom, in terms of the tension or even rupture between Irish national history and the dramatic representation of it. If contemporary Irish drama as a whole can be seen as an act of mirroring up to nation, Barry's is a refracting than reflecting act. Whereas modern Irish drama tends to have helped, however inadvertently, consolidate the nation-state by imagining Ireland through its other (either in the form of the British empire or the Protestant Unionist north), Barry's drama aims at cracking the surface homogeneity of Irish identity by re-imagining "ourselves" (a forgotten part of which is a community of southern Catholic loyalists). Furthermore, the "ourselves" re-imagined in Barry's drama is more fractured than unified, irreducible in its multiplicity than acquiescent in its singularity. The playwright's foremost concern is to retrieve the lives of "history's leftovers, men and women defeated and discarded by their times" and re-member those men and women who have been expunged from the imagined community of the Irish nation. This he does by endowing "every life" with "an after-life" and "every demon" with "a fairy tale." The Steward of Christendom is Barry's dramatic attempt to bestow upon the historically demonized Thomas Dunne, an Irish policeman in the British Empire, his fairy-tale redemption.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.101-129
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• 2017

The core of Ahn Jaihong's 'Bulhamdo(不咸道)' is the principle of 'bark(?) bal(?) baer(배어)', and it forms the basis of the 'Dasarism.' Ahn Jaihong's 'Dasarism' explains the meaning of the Korean number by its etymology, and give it a political philosophical significance. He pays attention to the number of 'five (다섯)' especially, and his 'Dasarism' is based on this as well. According to him, 'five(다섯)' means 'Dasari(다사리)', and 'Dasari' means both 'everyone says what they think' and 'makes everyone live well' simultaneously. Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. In order to do this, he had to offer 'a doctrine that can unite the opposing factions' and 'the prospect of a new country.' He discovered these two elements in interpreting the etymology of Han-gul, and organized these things into 'Chosun political philosophy.'

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.11
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• pp.112-120
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• 2021

Korea and Japan share the same view of a single nation state, but there was a difference in the government's COVID-19 emergency relief fund for foreigners. To this end, I analyzed the comments of Korean and Japanese users in YouTube videos related to COVID-19 disaster support funds for foreigners. As a result of the study, As a result, there are many opinions that Korea and Japan are generally sensitive to foreigners' tax payments, and that immigrants can receive national benefits and support like indigenous people if they fulfill their obligations. Next, it can be seen that Korea and Japan recognize each other in common. The difference is that Japan is sensitive to the same nationality, whereas Korea is more focused on tax and money than nationality.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.73-98
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• 2011

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as 'others' by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.271-279
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• 2016

In the modern society, social activities of married women are increasing along with the economic growth, which leads to low birth rates of the situation where most people give birth to only one or two children. Korea in particular records one of the lowest birth rates among many other nations of the world. Despite the situation where overall industrial consumer economy is not good, baby goods market is becoming more luxurious and diversified, and its scale is also growing. Desires of young parents in their 20s and 30s for their children leads to consumption desires of luxurious baby goods, and despite the fact that their taste level rises by easily gaining access to immense baby information via the Internet, our nation's baby furniture market is unreasonably lacking the ability to satisfy the needs of such consumers. Furniture culture of our nation today is based on the stand-up culture of the West. However, analyzing the life culture inside our homes, stand-up and sit-down cultures of the West and the East are coexisting complexly. Such life pattern can be more easily found in households with babies. As such, baby furniture that satisfies our unique life culture and has quality, design and price competitiveness is desperately needed. In such market state, this study is expected to make economic and cultural accomplishments by focusing on the newly embossing baby furniture market and developing products, delivering them to consumers to open new markets and developing into an industry.