• 영미문화
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.287-309
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to critique British imperialism in Bapsi Sidhwa's Cracking India (1991) by analyzing the partition of India from the perspective of nation, religion, and women. Dubbed "Punjabi-Parsi-Indian-Pakistani," Sidhwa is in a position where she can view the partition from an objective and neutralized stance. Rather than focusing on the lives of nationally well-known political figures such as Gandhi, Nehru, or Jinnah, Sidhwa delves deep into the miserable lives of the lower classes before and after the partition. First, I analyze the process of the partition, as it is performed through the manipulation of British imperialism. By adopting the viewpoint of an 8-year-old Lenny, who is the daughter of a Parsi family, Sidhwa is able to critique both British imperialism as well as the male-dominated Indian society where the treatment of women is unthinkably harsh. Second, I focus on the tragedy of the confrontation of three religions, Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh. Religious people fight each other while they were forced to move from South to North or from North to South. I argue that the religious conflicts have much to do with political issues. Third, I want to argue that women are the major victims of the partition. Ayah, Hamida, and Papoo are victims of male-dominated India during the partition. They symbolize the feminized India, which is exploited and victimized by British Imperialism. Even though Ayah is shattered by Ice-candy-man while working as a prostitute and dancer, she decides to return to her home in India, which shows her challenge against male-dominated India as well as against British colonialism. In conclusion, Sidhwa tries to heal the suffering of the Indian women who fell victim to male-dominated Indian society by criticizing the problems of British imperialism. In addition, by dealing with the lives of silenced people, Sidhwa asks readers not to forget the historical tragedy and not to repeat the tragedy again.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권2호
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권7호
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• pp.643-654
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• 2015

본 논문은 고대근동의 시각에서 본 종교생활과 건강장수의 함의에 대한 연구이다. 주요 자료원은 성서 밖의 신바빌로니아 제국 시대 월신교의 아다드-굽피의 기록, 고대 이스라엘 시대 유대교의 다니엘 기도문, 그리고 신약시대 기독교인 안나에 관한 기록들이다. 연구방법은 문헌연구이며, 최종 형태의 정경에 대한 공시적 방법으로 진행하였다. 아다드-굽피는 신전 중심의 금식과 같은 헌신, 민족을 위한 기도, 사명감 등으로 104세를 향수했다. 다니엘은 유대민족의 해방과 본국 귀환, 예루살렘의 성전 재건, 도시 복원을 위해 금식 기도하며 80대 후반까지 살았다. 안나는 늙은 과부로, 당대의 시대적 한계에도 불구하고 성전에서 메시야를 위한 기도와 헌신으로 100세까지 장수했다. 본 논문은 이들의 삶을 고찰함으로써 성전 중심의 삶, 금식, 기도, 시대적 사명감 등이 생의 의미 추구나 죽음에 대한 수용 등 노년기 발달 과정에서 긍정적 역할을 할 수 있다고 보여진다. 장수는 시대나 지역을 초월한 인간 욕구이다. 본 고찰을 바탕으로, 종교생활의 영적 요인들이 장수에 실천적 의미를 부여한다고 판단된다. 이에 본 연구가 종교생활과 노화 등의 이슈에 대한 사회과학이나 심리학 등의 성과를 수렴하는 연구의 일환으로써 인간 욕구를 충족시키는 방법론에 기여할 수 있을 것으로 기대한다.

• 상하수도학회지
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.325-334
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• 2011

Market Environment around water work industry is rapidly changing. ISO, International Organization for Standardization, announced the international water work service standard for comparison and evaluation between nations and businesses. And developed countries in water work are introducing market principle for growth of nation's water industry and reinforcement of its competitiveness. Also, some local governments entrusted their water utilities for improvement of competitiveness of water work. However, as some failure cases from overseas came out with emphasis, there are many refuting perspective about entrusted operation achievements of domestic water market. Hence, this paper evaluated competitiveness of domestic local water utilities from the perspective of productivity. After evaluating productivity using Malmquist productivity index, the authors compared and analyzed whether there is a difference of productivity between two different operating types by using Mann-Whitney test. As a result of analysis, it has shown that local water utilities achieved higher productivity at entrusted operation type rather than direct operation type. The local water utilities which chose entrusted operation had increased the productivity 13.9% on total factor productivity(TFP) during experimenting period, while the local water utilities which chose direct operation had increased 0.2%. The background of achieving this high productivity in entrusted operation was analyzed as a result of the higher technological effectiveness of a special water company. The result of this study can be referred when local government needs to decide on what operating types they will use.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.108-128
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• 2021

Research on the news coverage of North Korea has been paying less attention to social media platforms than to legacy media. An increasing number of social media users post, retweet, share, interpret, and set agendas on North Korea. The accessibility of international users and North Korea's publicity purposes make social media a venue for expression, news diversity, and framing about the nation. This study examined the sentiment of Twitter posts on North Korea from a framing perspective and the relationship between network strengths and sentiment from a social network perspective. Data were collected using two tools: Jupyter Notebook with Python 3.6 for preliminary analysis and NodeXL for main analysis. A total of 11,957 tweets, 10,000 of which were collected using Python and 1,957 tweets using NodeXL, about North Korea between June 20-21, 2020 were collected. Results demonstrated that there was more negative sentiment than positive sentiment about North Korea in the sampled Twitter posts. Some users belonging to small network sizes reached out to others on Twitter to build networks and spread positive information about North Korea. Influential users tended to be impartial to sentiment about North Korea, while some Twitter users with a small network exhibited high percentages of positive words about North Korea. Overall, marginalized populations with network bonding were more likely to express positive sentiment about North Korea than were influencers at the center of networks.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.277-295
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• 2016

한반도의 안보환경은 매우 불안정하게 흘러가고 있다. 그 불안정의 요인에는 북한의 핵무기 개발과 실험, 특히 2016년 1월6일의 4차 핵실험과 연이은 2월7일의 장거리미사일(ICBM)발사 그리고 2월8일 NLL침범과 함께 개성공단의 폐쇄조치 등이다. 그리고 일본의 아베정권의 지나친 우경화와 영토권 분쟁, 드리고 중국의 남지나해에서 각국과의 섬 영토분쟁등과 같은 역내 갈등의 고조이다. 동북아 각국의 상호이해관계는 자국의 이익을 위하여 안전을 확보한 상태에서 대외교전과 경제전을 수행하는 것이다. 사실 우리의 입장에서 이것은 매우 중요한 국가의 이슈로 지금까지 진행해오는 중요한 문제이다. 하지만 어떠한 정책도 국민의 굶주림과 행복을 빼앗아가면서 시행하고 발전시켜서는 안된다. 그것은 민본에 어긋나는 행위이다. 국가이든 단체든 국가 이익의 최우선 목표가 국민행복, 국가안전이어야 한다. 그렇지 못하면 국가의 주권도 국가로서 존재가치도 상실하게 된다. 특히 주변국 상황을 볼 때 전례 없는 세계 경제위기에도 불구하고 주변국들은 국방비를 높은 수준으로 증액하고 있다. 이런 시기에 우리의 국방력이 현재수준에 머문다면 미래에는 군사력 격차가 더욱 심화될 것이다. 따라서 본 연구는 이러한 상황을 인식하여 동북아 안보환경의 급격한 변화 문제를 검토하고 향후 남북통일로 가기 위한 국가의 총역량 결집을 뒷받침해주는 국방비의 수준을 검토한 것이다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제67호
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• pp.259-295
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• 2017

이 논문은 일제 강점기 국학자 안확(安廓, 1886~1946)의 "조선문학사(朝鮮文學史)"와 "조선문명사(朝鮮文明史)"에 나타난 그의 조선 민족사에 대한 인식을 분석했다. 그는 조선의 각 시대별 문학 작품들에 내재된 민족의 정신 사상적 측면을 발굴하여 근대적 관점의 문화사를 기술했고, 고조선부터 조선까지의 한국 민족사를 연속된 정치사의 입장에서 재구성했다. 그에게 있어서 민족은 문화적 공동체("조선문학사")이자 정치적 공동체("조선문명사")였다. 안확은 '문화'와 '정치'를 이원적이지만 표리(表裏)의 관계로 파악했던 것이다. 안확은 "조선문학사"를 통해 민족의 정신적 '자각'을 강조했다. 그에게 있어서 자각은 정신이 물질의 속박으로부터 벗어나 자유를 추구하는 보편적 진보의 과정이었다. 또한 그는 "조선문명사"에서 조선 정치사의 특색을 '자치'의 역사에서 찾았다. 조선 정치사가 자각적 자발적 문명으로 진화할 수 있었던 것은 민의를 반영하고 수렴하는 고유한 자치의 전통이 있었기 때문이라는 것이다. 안확은 그의 두 저서를 통해 조선의 민족사가 문화적 관점에서는 자각의 역사였으며, 정치적 관점에서는 자치의 역사였다는 점을 강조했다. 그에게 자각은 정신의 보편성에 초점을 맞춘 개념이었고, 자치는 민족의 독자성을 강조한 개념이었다. 안확은 두 저서를 통해 문화적 보편성과 정치적 독자성의 결합을 추구했다.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.378-395
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• 2019

This article is a suggestion for SME policy in Korea for the attention of the senior policy-experiencer of the whole nation, the Advisor to the President of Korea. This article is written from the perspective of technology policy experts, not SME experts. In spite of many SME policies, the issue of SMEs in Korea is worsening, not being resolved. Technology-oriented policies are effective for each company, but the role of SMEs is gradually decreasing in the Korean economy. Reflecting on this fact, I would like to suggest measures that include long-term, but social as well as educational. The solution I suggested is coexistence since sustainable growth through SMEs is not just an economic or social issue. It is a matter of survival. I propose four types of coexistence: corporate, local, human, and coexistence with nature. Getting coexistence works requires a change in social norms that mobilize even education.

• 한국수학교육학회지시리즈D:수학교육연구
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.189-203
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• 2006

Teaching of fractions is very challengeable for elementary and middle school teachers. Many teachers feel uncomfortable teaching the subject. How shall we introduce the concept of fractions? Shall we focus more on concept development or computational procedures and skills? What methodology can be used in teaching those important topics? These are the kind of questions many teachers and researchers try to answer. In this article, the authors are to look at this issue from a cross nation perspective, by examining how the Chinese mathematics curriculum and the Chinese teachers deal with this subject.