• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.187-196
• /
• 1982

The followings are the results of the study on industrial accidents occurred at 12 factories manufacturing metal products during the period of 2 years from January 1980 to December 1981 in the area of Yong-Dung-Po in Seoul. The results of the study are as follows: 1. The incidence rate of industrial injuries was 45.7 per 1,000 workers of the sample group and the rate of male (54.0) was three times higher than that of female (17.5). 2. In age groups, the highest rate was observed in the group of under 19 years old with 83.5, while the lowest in the group of 40s. 3. It was found that those who had short term of work experience produced a higher rate of injuries, particularly, the group of workers with less than 1 year of experience showed the highest rate of it as 48.1%. 4. In working time, the highest incidence rate occurred 3 and 7 hours after the beginning of their working showing the rate of 6.0 and 6.1 per 1,000 workers, respectively. 5. The highest incidence rate was observed on Monday as 8.4 per 1,000 workers, and it was 18.3% in aspect of the days of a week. 6. In aspect of the months of a year, the highest incidence was observed on July 1,000 workers and the next was on March as 4.8. These figures account for 11.8% of total occurrence in respective month. as 5. 4 per and 10.5% 7. In causes of injuries, the accident caused by power driven machinery showed the highest rate with 37.5%, the second was due to handling without machinery with 17.2%, and the third was due to falling objects with 14.2%, and striking against objects with 10.2%, and so on. 8. By parts of the body affected, the most injuries 84.3% of them occurred on both upper and lower extremities with the rate of 58.8% for the former and 25.5% for the latter. Fingers were most frequently injured with a rate of 40.3%. Comparing the sites of extremities affected, rate of injuries on the right side was 55.0% and 45.0% on the left side. 9. In the nature of injury, laceration and open wound were the highest with 34. 0%, the next was fracture and dislocation with 31. 9%, and sprain was the third with 8.1%. 10. On the duration of treatment, it lasted less than one month in 68.9% of the injured cases, of which 14.5% of the cases were recovered within 2 weeks, and 54.4% of them were treated more than 2 weeks. And the duration of the treatment tended to be prolonged in larger industries. 11. The ratio of insured accidents to uninsured accidents was 1 to 4.7.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
• /
• v.11
• /
• pp.221-249
• /
• 2007

Today, photography is facing to the crisis of identity and dilemma of ontology from the digital imaging process in the new technology form. It is very important points to say rethinking of the traditional photographic medium, that has changed the way we view the world and ourselves is perhaps an understatement and that photography has transformed our essential understanding of reality. Now, no longer are photographic images regarded as the true automatic recording, innocent evidence and the mirror to the reality. Rather, photography constructs the world for our entertainment, helping to create the comforting illusions by which we live. The recognition that photographs are not constructions and reflections of reality, is the basis for the actual presence within the contemporary photographic world. It is shock. This thesis's aim is to look for the problems of photographic identity and ontological crisis that is controlling and regulating digital photographic imagery, allowing the reproduction of the electronic simulations era. Photography loses its special aesthetic status and becomes no more true information and, exclusively evidence by traditional film and paper that appeared both as a technological accuracy and as a medium-specific aesthetic. The result, photography is facing two crises, one is the photographic ontology(the introduction of computerized digital images) and the other is photographic epistemology(having to do broader changes in ethics, knowledge and culture). Taken together, these crises apparently threaten us with the death of photography, with the 'end' of photography and the culture it sustains. The thesis's meaning is to look into the dilemma of photography's ontology and epistemology, especially, automatical index and digital codes from its origin, meaning, and identity as the technological medium. Thus, in particular, thesis focuses on the analog imagery presence, from the nature in the material world, and the digital imagery presence from the cultural situations in our society. And also thesis's aim is to examine the main issues of the history of photography has been concentrated on the ontological arguments since the discovery of photography in 1839. Photography has never been only one static technology form. Rather, its nearly two centuries of technological development have been marked by numerous, competing of technological innovation and self revolution from the dual aspects. This thesis examines recent account of photography by the analysis of the medium's concept, meaning, identity between film base image and digital base image from the aspects of photographic ontology and epistemology. Thus, the structure of thesis is fairy straightforward to examine what appear to be two opposing view of photographic conditions and ontological situations. Thesis' view contrasts that figure out the value of photography according to its fundamental characteristic as a medium. Also, it seeks a possible solution to the dilemma of photographic ontology through the medium's origin from the early years of the nineteenth century to the raising questions about the different meaning(analog/digital) of photography, now. Finally, this thesis emphasizes and concludes that the photographic ontological crisis reflects to the paradoxical dynamic structure, that unsolved the origins of the medium, itself. Moreover, even photography is not single identity of the photographic ontology, and also can not be understood as having a static identity or singular status from the dynamic field of technologies, practices, and images.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.3
• /
• pp.218-247
• /
• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.3
• /
• pp.13-21
• /
• 2017

The Cho-yeon Pavilion located in the Wangdae village in Samcheong-ri, Songgwang-myeon, Suncheon-si, was transformed into a place of refuge, a shrine, a vacation home, a lecture hall for kings. Based on the change, the current study has explored the periodic changing placeness and the transformation of cultural landscape and has figured out the meaning. The result of this study is as follows. First, "Cho-yeon", named by Yeonjae Song, Byeong-Seon, originated from Tao Te Ching of Lao Tzu. The concept is found not only in the Cho-yeon Pavilion in Suncheon but also in various places, such as, the Cho-yeon-dae in Pocheon, of the Cho-yeon-dae in Gapyeong, of the Cho-yeon-dae of the embankment behind the Gioheon of Changdeok-gung Garden, Cho-Yeon-Mul-Oe old buildings, including Jung(亭), Dae(臺), Gak(閣), of Ockriukag in Yuseong, etc. This shows that taoistic Poongrhu was naturally grafted onto confucian places, which is one of the examples of the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Second, the placeness of the Cho-yeon Pavilion area is related to a legend that King Gong-min sought refuge here at the end of the Koryo Dynasty. The legend is based on the Wangdae village(king's region), Yu-Gyeong(留京)(the place where kings stayed), rock inscription of Wang-Dae-Sa-Jeok, Oh-Jang-Dae (the place where admiral flags were planted), and the Mohusan Mountain. Third, the Cho-yeon Pavilion not only has a base(the vacation home) that reflects confucian values from the rock inscription(趙鎭忠別業, 趙秉翼, 宋秉璿) of the beautiful rock walls and torrents but also has territoriality as taoistic Abode of the Immortals (there are places where people believe taoist hermits with miraculous powers live within 1km of the pavillion: Wol-Cheong(月靑), Pung-Cheong(風靑), Su-Cheong(水靑), Dong-Cheon(洞天). The Cho-yeon Pavilion also reflects the heaven of Neo-Confucianism for, pursuing study, and improving aesthetic sense by expanding its outer area and establishing the nine Gok: Se-Rok-Gyo(洗鹿橋)., Bong-Il-Dae(捧日臺), Ja-Mi-Gu(紫薇鳩), Un-Mae-Dae(雲梅臺), Wa-Ryong-Chong(臥龍叢), Gwang-Seok-Dae(廣石臺), Eun-Seon-Gul(隱仙窟), Byeok-Ok-Dam(碧玉潭), and Wa-Seok-Po(臥石布). In sum, the Cho-yeon Pavilion is a complex cultural landscape. Fourth, the usage of the Cho-yeon Pavilion was expanded and transformed: (1)Buddhist monastery${\rightarrow}$(2)Confucian vacation home${\rightarrow}$(3)Vacation home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place${\rightarrow}$(4)Vacation Home+Taoistic Poongrhu Place+Lecture Hall(the heaven of Neo-Confucianism). To illustrate, in 7978, the place served as Buddist Monk Kwang-Sa's monastery; in 1863, Cho, Jin-Choong established a vacation home by building a shrine in front of the tomb of his ancestor; in 1864, Cho, Jae-Ho expanded its usage to a vacation home to serve ancestors as a taoistic place by repairing the pavilion with roof tiles; and after 1890, Cho, Jun-Sup received the name of the pavilion, Cho-yeon, from his teacher Song, Byeong-Seon, and used the Pavilion for a lecture hall.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.88-99
• /
• 1996

In recent years dry direct-seeding of rice has been encouraged by the government and increasingly practiced by farmers in Korea. This has been bringing up an increased occurrence of weedy rites. Some farmers in the southern region dare to sow the rice before winter after harvest, while most farmers wish to sow as early as possible in the spring to secure the growing period, and to disperse the intensive labor in early May. The purpose of this study was to determine the feasibility of moving the sowing of rice to an earlier date under dry direct-seeding, and to elucidate the nature of emergence of an old strain of rice, weedy rites, and barnyardgrasses tinder this farming practice and their adaptive competence over present cultivate. The presently recommended rice cultivar, Dongjinbyo and an old rice strain, Dadajo which prevailed in early 1900s, almost could not emerge from soil deeper than 6cm and could emerge to only 5.3% at best from 1cm deep loamy soil field when the seeds were sown on Nov. 28. However, two strains of weedy rites being weedy for over 200 years emerged by 17.0 to 63.0% from the loamy and sandy clay loam field 1 to 6cm deep. Emergence of the weedy rites was greater in the loamy soil and at a shallow depth, and negligible from the soil depth of 9cm. Barnyardgrasses sown on Nov. 28 emerged by 13.4 to 51 % from the 1 to 3cm deep loamy soil, and 8.6 to 46.7% from the 1cm deep sandy clay loam. Echinochloa crus-galli var. crus-galli emerged more than var. praticola, and var. oryzicola least. Most of the non-emerged barnyardgrasses seem to have entered secondary dormancy. Seeding rice a month earlier than the season lowered the emergence of Dongjinbyo by ca. 10, 18, and 26%, respectively at 1, 3, and 6cm soil depths, indicating that moving the seeding date a month earlier is impractical. The old strain, Dadajo sown in the soil at a depth of 6cm responded similarly. However, the strain has shown a significantly higher ability in emergence from 9cm deep soil. Weedy rices sown a month earlier A month earlier sown weedy rices have shown very similar emergence rates at various soil depths to those sown on May 1. Barnyardgrasses have also shown similar emergence rates when sown between April 3 and May 1. Like barnyardgrasses, the old strain and weedy rices apparantly posessed a greater adaptability to emerge under lower temperatures, and from deeper soil ; Dongjinbyo${\leq}$ Echinochloa species in that order. However, emergence- speed under lower temperature(sown on April 3) was faster in the order of weedy rice

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.179-187
• /
• 2010

Understanding consumers' preferences and use of media types is imperative for marketing and advertising managers, especially in today's fragmented market. A clear understanding assists managers in making more effective selections of appropriate media outlets, yet individuals' choices of type and use of media are based on a variety of characteristics. This paper examines one personality trait, sensation seeking, which has not appeared in the literature examining "new" media preferences and use. Sensation seeking is a personality trait defined as "the need for varied, novel, and complex sensations and experiences and the willingness to take physical and social risks for the sake of such experiences" (Zuckerman 1979). Six hypotheses were developed from a review of the literature. Particular attention was given to the Uses and Gratification theory (Katz 1959), which explains various reasons why people choose media types and their motivations for using the different types of media. Current theory suggests that High Sensation Seekers (HSS), due to their needs for novelty, arousal and unconventional content and imagery, would exhibit higher frequency of use of new media. Specifically, we hypothesize that HSS will use the internet more than broadcast (H1a) or print media (H1b) and more than low (LSS) (H2a) or medium sensation seekers (MSS) (H2b). In addition, HSS have been found to be more social and have higher numbers of friends therefore are expected to use social networking websites such as Facebook/MySpace (H3) and chat rooms (H4) more than LSS (a) and MSS (b). Sensation seekers can manifest into a range of behaviors including disinhibition,. It is expected that alternative social networks such as Facebook/MySpace (H5) and chat rooms (H6) will be used more often for those who have higher levels of disinhibition than low (a) or medium (b) levels. Data were collected using an online survey of participants in extreme sports. In order to reach this group, an improved version of a snowball sampling technique, chain-referral method, was used to select respondents for this study. This method was chosen as it is regarded as being effective to reach otherwise hidden population groups (Heckathorn, 1997). A final usable sample of 1108 respondents, which was mainly young (56.36% under 34), male (86.1%) and middle class (58.7% with household incomes over USD 50,000) was consistent with previous studies on sensation seeking. Sensation seeking was captured using an existing measure, the Brief Sensation Seeking Scale (Hoyle et al., 2002). Media usage was captured by measuring the self reported usage of various media types. Results did not support H1a and b. HSS did not show higher levels of usage of alternative media such as the internet showing in fact lower mean levels of usage than all the other types of media. The highest media type used by HSS was print media, suggesting that there is a revolt against the mainstream. Results support H2a and b that HSS are more frequent users of the internet than LSS or MSS. Further analysis revealed that there are significant differences in the use of print media between HSS and LSS, suggesting that HSS may seek out more specialized print publications in their respective extreme sport activity. Hypothesis 3a and b showed that HSS use Facebook/MySpace more frequently than either LSS or MSS. There were no significant differences in the use of chat rooms between LSS and HSS, so as a consequence no support for H4a, although significant for MSS H4b. Respondents with varying levels of disinhibition were expected to have different levels of use of Facebook/MySpace and chat-rooms. There was support for the higher levels of use of Facebook/MySpace for those with high levels of disinhibition than low or medium levels, supporting H5a and b. Similarly there was support for H6b, Those with high levels of disinhibition use chat-rooms significantly more than those with medium levels but not for low levels (H6a). The findings are counterintuitive and give some interesting insights for managers. First, although HSS use online media more frequently than LSS or MSS, this groups use of online media is less than either print or broadcast media. The advertising executive should not place too much emphasis on online media for this important market segment. Second, social media, such as facebook/Myspace and chatrooms should be examined by managers as potential ways to reach this group. Finally, there is some implication for public policy by the higher levels of use of social media by those who are disinhibited. These individuals are more inclined to engage in more socially risky behavior which may have some dire implications, e.g. by internet predators or future employers. There is a limitation in the study in that only those who engage in extreme sports are included. This is by nature a HSS activity. A broader population is therefore needed to test if these results hold.

• The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.26-27
• /
• 1978

It can be expected that intelligence and knowledge will be the core of the post-industrial society in a near future. Accordingly, the age of intelligence shall be accelerated extensively to find ourselves in an age of 'Communication' service enterprise. The communication actions will increase its efficiency and multiply its utility, indebted to its scientic principles and legal idea. The two basic elements of communication action, that is, communication station and communication men are considered to perform their function when they are properly supported and managed by the government administration. Since the communication action itself is composed of various factors, the elements such as communication stations and officials must be cultivated and managed by specialist or experts with continuous and extensive study practices concerned. With the above mind, this study reviewed our public service officials law with a view to improve it by providing some suggestions for communication experts and researchers to find suitable positions in the framework of government administration. In this study, I would like to suggest 'Occupational Group of Communication' that is consisted of a series of comm, management positions and research positions in parallel to the existing series of comm, technical position. The communication specialist or expert is required to be qualified with necessary scientific knowledge and techniques of communication, as well as prerequisites as government service officials. Communication experts must succeed in the first hand to obtain government licence concerned in with the government law and regulation, and international custom before they can be appointed to the official positions. This system of licence-prior-to-appointment is principally applied in the communication management position. And communication research positions are for those who shall engage themselves to the work of study and research in the field of both management and technical nature. It is hopefully expected that efficient and extensive management of communication activities, as well as scientific and continuous study over than communication enterprise will be upgraded at national dimensions.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.31-68
• /
• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.36 no.2
• /
• pp.32-41
• /
• 2008

An empirical study and environmental and ecological analysis were conducted on Otgol Village(a village of the Gyeongju Choi's clan in Daegu) where an enclosed pond and groves are still observed. In particular, the enclosed pond and groves and village water system were investigated from an ecological perspective. The enclosed landscape is described based on feng shui principles and the environmental and ecological significance were examined. In general, the environmental and ecological significance is very broad; however, they were analyzed in terms of the quality of life as an empirical study as follows: First, water quality was measured to investigate the improvement of continuous water system functions. In other words, water quality was measured at East Valley(resting space), West Valley(living space), the enclosed pond where the two valleys merge, and the stream that flows out of the pond. Second, the climate functions of the enclosed groves that border the village were examined. In other words, temperature was measured in two places(200m distance from the center of the groves). Third, whether or not a sound ecosystem can be sustained was investigated. In other words, landscape ecological indicators were chosen and measured. The results are as follows: First, the enclosed pond played the role of purifying water quality. While the East Valley has been popular with men for its rock walls and torrents, the West Valley has been popular with women as a living space(ex: doing the laundry). Therefore, the difference of water quality can be explained. Second, since enclosed groves are in a small village forest, they are very weak in terms of being wind proof and temperature reduction effects. Instead, they play the role of the village boundary. Third, the groves are ecologically sound considering the landscape ecological indicators and are similar to ordinary traditional rural villages. In terms of the connection of the green zone, the village groves are well connected to the village boundary wood. If the village groves are restored, in particular, they would offer a decent habitat for grove creatures. According to this study, the traditional village space was formed upon the influence of Feng Shui theories that are based on environmental and ecological principles that focus on the harmony between humans and nature. From the environmental and ecological perspective, the enclosed pond and groves are important factors in building a sustainable village. The diverse water space would help to improve water quality and increase water volume by promoting the water circulation system. In addition, the village woods would surround the village and decrease the temperature and humidity difference between winter and summer. If the groves are small and badly damaged, however, they are meaningful only in dividing the region. The overall improvement of a forestation system and botanical composition may increase the biological diversity and promote the migration of species. Otgol Village has developed an enclosed landscape to improve the village environment. In other words, a sound and refreshing living environment can be developed when the natural ecological system is well understood and properly preserved. Additionally, this traditional village planning will be the environmental and ecological method. From the perspective of environmental ecology, therefore, a traditional village is recommended.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.45 no.3
• /
• pp.41-53
• /
• 2017

This study was performed to determine what the plant material were selected to reflect in the 2016 Korea Garden Show designer's garden. It was analyzed that plant material was used to display the theme of the garden and to create a specific space. Under the given theme of 'K-Garden, Shinhallyu Garden(new style garden culture) with the most Korean taste', the plants were used to highlight the theme in two types: 'representation' and 'expression'. There were two 'representation' gardens that imitate a particular space of Korean taste and four 'expression' gardens that showcase the designer's thoughts with abstract concepts and concrete objects. Three gardens included both types of garden. The way of revealing the subject with plants was used more for 'expression' than for 'representation'. There were eleven spaces for 'representation' of the Korean taste, a vegetable garden, faucet, pond, field, nature, a Hanok court garden, groves of bamboo, tile roof, stone wall, rock and backyard of a Hanok connected to the mountain. The planting material was used in two ways: reflecting only the ecological characteristics of the plant, and considering the ecological and visual characteristics together. Vegetation plantings reflecting the ecological characteristics were observed in all eleven spaces. Nine of the spaces reflected the growth environment of the plants, but the other two did not reflect the ecological characteristics of the plants, unlike the designer's intention. In the case of the four spaces that considered the ecological and visual characteristics together, color and size were considered visual characteristics. The plants in the seven spaces that included 'expression' as the theme were selected to reflect the visual characteristics in the order of color, shape, texture, and size, rather than reflecting ecological characteristics. A group planting method was applied. When the plants were used as materials for creating space, Norman(1989) analyzed three enclosure factors(overhead, vertical, ground plane). Only two deciduous trees were used in the overhead plane while five species of evergreen shrubs and thirty species of various deciduous plants were used in the vertical plane. There were forty-five species (nine trees and thirty-six herbaceous plants) forming the ground plane, and various herbaceous plants were utilized without duplication in each garden. The designer's garden of the Garden Show played a role in introducing new groundcover plants to the public. Three of the nine gardens did not include ornamental plants, and the use of decorative plants in other gardens was few compared to the number of plantings. In the Korea Garden Show designer's garden, most of the plants were being used with the intention of exposing the theme or architectural uses. In the 2016 Korea Garden Show designer's garden, many species of plants were used as materials for showcasing themes rather than for creating spaces. Also, the method of 'expression' was used more than the method of 'representation' in order to highlight the theme. This indicates that the planting materials reflect visual characteristics such as color, shape, texture, size rather than ecological characteristics.