• Language and Information
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.57-75
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• 2009

English floating quantifiers (FQ) are both limited and complex in the sense that they are introduced by a limited set of words, all, both, and each, and display free distributional possibilities. This paper provides a non-movement approach to the syntax of English floating quantifier constructions. The non-movement analysis we develop here is different from stranding movement analyses in that all the FQs are base-generated while the linkage with their antecedent refers to grammatical features such as SUBJ and PRD. The analysis avoids the postulation of abstract levels as well as empty elements in capturing the flexibility of English FQ constructions, making the grammar of English simpler.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.471-494
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• 2002

May(1985) argued that the regress problem of antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) construction could be resolved easily by positing QR. But the proposal has some conceptual and empirical problems. To resolve the problems of QR account on ACD, Hornstein(1994) suggested a new approach viz. LF A-movement approach. In the Minimalist framework, an object raises to the [Spec, Agro] to check the accusative case. Through this movement, the regress problem can be resolved naturally without QR. But the LF A-movement account has the same conceptual problem as the QR approach. In addition to the conceptual problem, it has also empirical problems which were pointed out by Kennedy(1997). To solve the problems, I propose that the object raise to [Spec Agro] overtly as Koizumi(1993, 1995) and Lasnik(1995) insisted. In addition to the proposal, I adopt another assumption that only the copy of a quantifier could become a variable by the vehicle change, which was suggested by Brody(1995). With the above proposals, the unnatural QR operation could be dispensed with and the conceptual and empirical problems which were made concerning the LF A-movement approach could be resolved.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.117-149
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• 2004

The paper is to argue against the asymmetric CP-V2 analysis of Old English, according to which finite verbs invariably undergo movement into a clause-final T within subordinate clauses and reach the functional head C within main clauses. The asymmetric CP-V2 analysis, first of all, faces difficulty in explaining a wide range of post-verbal elements within subordinate clauses. To resolve the problem, the analysis has to abandon the obligatoriness of V-to-T movement or introduce various types of extraposition whose status is dubious as a legitimate syntactic operation. Obligatory V-to-T movement in Old English lacks conceptual justification as well. Crosslinguistic evidence reveals that morphological richness in verbal inflection cannot entail overt verb movement. Moreover, the operation is always string-vacuous under the asymmetric CP- V2 analysis and has no effect at the interfaces, in violation of the principle of economy. The distribution of Old English finite verbs in main clauses also undermines the asymmetric CP-V2 analysis. Conceptually speaking, a proper syntactic trigger cannot be confirmed to motivate obligatory verb movement to C. The operation not only gets little support from nominative Case marking, the distribution of expletives, or complementizer agreement but also requires the unconvincing stipulation that expletives as well as sentence-initial subjects result from string-vacuous topicalization. Finally, textual evidence testifies that Old English sometimes permits non-V2 ordering patterns, many of which remain unexplained under the asymmetric CP-V2 analysis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.85-93
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• 2005

In this paper, we propose recognition system which tracks the unmarked hand of a person performing sign language in complex background. First of all, we measure entropy for the difference image between continuous frames. Using a color information that is similar to a skin color in candidate region which has high value, we extract hand region only from background image. On the extracted hand region, we detect a contour and recognize sign language by applying improved centroidal profile method. In the experimental results for 6 kinds of sing language movement, unlike existing methods, we can stably recognize sign language in complex background and illumination changes without marker. Also, it shows the recognition rate with more than 95% for person and $90\sim100%$ for each movement at 15 frames/second.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.242-251
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• 2015

This paper is to analyse statutes and execution system on 'plain language policy' of the U.S. in the process of policy was instituted, and to suggest the meaningful implications for Korean easy public language improvement project based on the conclusions drawn. The summarized conclusion is as follows. First, the continuous interests of Presidents and taking the lead of federal agencies played important roles until the U.S. plain language policy has been established as a system. Second, in executing the U.S. plain language policy, laws legislated by period contributed to elicit mandatory compliances from the federal agencies. Third, a propelling agent of plain language policy, PLAIN, is not an administrative department but a community consisted of federal employees and experts. Fourth, plain language policy was unexpectedly given wholehearted support and assistance by Presidents and their administrations from the reform-minded Democratic party. Fifth, during the 2000s most federal departments and agencies held self-managed websites and programs related to plain language. To conclude the current U.S. plain language policy surely performs a mechanism to improve communication and a role as a ladder of trust between the public and government.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.101-113
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• 2010

The present study investigated how the kinematics of the /a/-to-/i/ tongue movement in Korean would be influenced by prosodic boundary. The /a/-to-/i/ sequence was used as 'transboundary' test materials which occurred across a prosodic boundary as in /ilnjəʃ$^h$a/ # / minsakwae/ ('일년차#민사과에' 'the first year worker' # 'dept. of civil affairs'). It also tested whether the V-to-V tongue movement would be further influenced by its syllable structure with /m/ which was placed either in the coda condition (/am#i/) or in the onset condition (/a#mi). Results of an EMA (Electromagnetic Articulagraphy) study showed that kinematical parameters such as the movement distance (displacement), the movement duration, and the movement velocity (speed) all varied as a function of the boundary strength, showing an articulatory strengthening pattern of a "larger, longer and faster" movement. Interestingly, however, the larger, longer and faster pattern associated with boundary marking in Korean has often been observed with stress (prominence) marking in English. It was proposed that language-specific prosodic systems induce different ways in which phonetics and prosody interact: Korean, as a language without lexical stress and pitch accent, has more degree of freedom to express prosodic strengthening, while languages such as English have constraints, so that some strengthening patterns are reserved for lexical stress. The V-to-V tongue movement was also found to be influenced by the intervening consonant /m/'s syllable affiliation, showing a more preboundary lengthening of the tongue movement when /m/ was part of the preboundary syllable (/am#i/). The results, together, show that the fine-grained phonetic details do not simply arise as low-level physical phenomena, but reflect higher-level linguistic structures, such as syllable and prosodic structures. It was also discussed how the boundary-induced kinematic patterns could be accounted for in terms of the task dynamic model and the theory of the prosodic gesture ($\pi$-gesture).

• The KIPS Transactions:PartB
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• v.16B no.1
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• pp.79-84
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• 2009

This paper explores a method of text watermarking for agglutinative languages and develops a syntactic tree-based syntactic constituent movement scheme. Agglutinative languages provide a good ground for the syntactic tree-based natural language watermarking because syntactic constituent order is relatively free. Our proposed natural language watermarking method consists of seven procedures. First, we construct a syntactic dependency tree of unmarked text. Next, we perform clausal segmentation from the syntactic tree. Third, we choose target syntactic constituents, which will move within its clause. Fourth, we determine the movement direction of the target constituents. Then, we embed a watermark bit for each target constituent. Sixth, if the watermark bit does not coincide with the direction of the target constituent movement, we displace the target constituent in the syntactic tree. Finally, from the modified syntactic tree, we obtain a marked text. From the experimental results, we show that the coverage of our method is 91.53%, and the rate of unnatural sentences of marked text is 23.16%, which is better than that of previous systems. Experimental results also show that the marked text keeps the same style, and it has the same information without semantic distortion.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.394-404
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• 2007

This paper explores the nature of multiple sluicing in English, which has two or more remnant wh-phrases in clause edge position. At the beginning part of the paper we argue against Nishigauchi's (1998) and Lasnik's (2007) Gapping analysis of multiple sluicing, which says that two remnant wh-phrases each actually occupies the left and right edge of a clause, with the in-between string of words undergoing Gapping. We rather argue that multiple sluicing in English is the same kind as found in Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian. In other words, multiple sluicing in English is also derived by multiple wh-fronting which otherwise does not apply. We demonstrate that some important properties of the construction noted by Lmultiple sluicing, multiple wh-movement/fronting, sluicing, TP/IP-deletion, asnik (2007) under the Gapping approach to it can be accounted for in a principled way by our proposed analysis.

• Language and Information
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1-15
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• 2012

In accounting for the so-called copy raising (CR) in English, the movement perspective has assumed that the embedded subject of the CR verb's sentential complement is raised to the matrix subject, leaving behind its pronominal copy. This kind of movement-based analysis raises both empirical and analytical issues, when considering variations in the pronominal copy constraint. This paper investigates the actual uses of the construction, using online-available corpora. Based on this corpus search, we classify two different types of copy raising predicates (genuine and perception), and discuss their grammatical properties in detail. We suggest that the simple copying rule couched upon movement operations is not enough to capture great variations in the uses of the construction, and show that interpretive constraints, e.g., perceptual characterization condition, play an important role in licensing the construction.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.279-285
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• 2002

English allows conjoined wh-questions to have two different readings. The English sentence Which person does John like and Mary admire\ulcorner involves ATB movement and is understood either as single questions requiring one set of individuals that are liked by John and admired by Mary (which person x, likes (j,x) & admires (m,x)) or as coordinated wh-questions, allowing distinct individuals that John likes and Mary admires (which person x, likes (j,x) & which person y, admires (m,y)). I argue this ambiguity is explained by the two key assumptions about wh-movement in Chomsky (1995): (1) Movement is copying. (2) wh-phrases consist of a wh-element and a nominal restrictor. This yields two possible LFs for English depending on whether [Wh+nominal] or wh alone is interpreted as a variable. It is therefore natural for me to propose that number of questions understood corresponds to the number of nominal segments at LF.