• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.398-411
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• 2001

Funeral rites relate to the last ceremonies involving the process of human beings moving from this world to the other world, becoming part of a life which remarkably reflects the world after death. They can be said to be the best culture created by the conception of death. The ceremonies of mourning, or ubiquitius folk phenomena of all the ages from the ancient times to modern times, represent the mass belief of each nation in spiritual worlds as well as the feelings of individuals facing death. In so far as their methods are concerned, the ceremonies vary in accordance with ages, nations, regions and culture. The practices of today\`s funeral rites conducted in the West have been formed and changed throughout its long history. Now that the ceremonies are a combination of complicated cultures, they serve as an important tool for inquiring into the spiritual life of the people of an age in question and the pictures of the society concerned. Therefore this paper is designed to look into the culture of shrouds showing respect for the dead in the West. With the view of examining death, and grave clothes for them, but also with the spiritual culture of human beings in relation to death represented in their pictures. I resort to literature and materials related to the shrouds of the dead which appeared in a period from the Medieval Age to the 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.21-30
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• 2016

This study examines ways of housing usage and aspects of resident's life based on the representative traditional house "UNJORU" as time passed. In other words, it explains how the traditional life has changed. these days compared to late Joseon dynasty. It also explains how the meaning of the place changed by life style change and the aspect have changed in women's perspective. This is for restoring the time period that the life dairy was recorded later time period. We can trust Mrs. Lee who is the eldest resident of them at the present in UNJORU. The method of study proceeded by interview format. It is classified a meal place and a folk-beliefs the daily life the funeral rites non-daily life, such as in this process, was conducted to understand the consciousness and life form at the time of residents. As a result, Ryu's family life style has preferred a more modern life style than traditional life style by time as well as society changes. Through this research, It was possible to analyze how the external formality of traditional house has kept but internal formality has changed over time.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.197-250
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• 2017

Many kinds of ritual manual books for the four ceremonies (coming-of-age, wedding, funeral, and ancestral rites) were published and transcribed during the Japanese Colonial Period. The ritual manuals are classified by 5 different types: 'ritual standards', 'ritual books for the four ceremonies', 'ritual books for the written prayers', 'religious ceremonial books', and 'general manners books'. All of them contributed much to the formation of folk rituals and religions, even though the purpose and contents of each book were different. The ritual manuals were not intellectual results of elites, but rather compilations of pre-modern ritual books and contemporary manners. These were widely spread among the people with the help of modern printing techniques. The ritual manuals aimed at common readers who wanted to look for ritual references easily. They were not just made for the special upper class. We can understand the contexts and characteristics of folk ritual and religion of the $20^{th}$ century by comprehending the ritual manuals of the Japanese Colonial Rule.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.56 no.7 s.107
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• pp.1-17
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• 2006

This study purposed to examine Korean people's white clothes custom historically and to explain the aesthetic consciousness latent in the custom. Korean people preferred white clothes, even up to foreigners called them White-clad folk. Not only as in old historical literatures, but also in Soo-suh, Shin-Dang-suh including Sam-Kuk-Ji in China, white clothes were a real symbol to Korean people, ranging chronically far back to the age of ancient tribal countries, Sam-Kuk Period through Koryo Dynasty and even to modern age near the end of Chosun Dynasty, wearing with pleasure regardless of age, sex or social position. Even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. During the Koryo and Chosun Dynasty, white clothes were sometimes prohibited for various reasons including conflicts with the theories of yin-yang and the five elements but such regulations were not effective. To Korean people, white clothes were ordinary people's everyday dress as well as noble people's plain suits, saints' uniforms with religious meanings, ceremonial costumes, funeral garments, etc. The various uses show that white clothes have been worn by many people. The unique custom that a People have worn white clothes consistently for such a long time may contain very deep symbolic meanings representing the people's sentiments and spirits. The present study understood that the meanings come from religious sacredness, magical wish for brightness, the pursuit of purity originating from the people's national traits, assimilation with nature and the will to attain whole ascetic personality. Aesthetic attitudes based on aesthetic values summed up as sacredness, brightness, purity, assimilation with nature, asceticism, etc. are the aesthetic consciousness pursued by Koreans through their white clothes. For Koreans, white color is the origin of their color sense coming from primitive religions such as worshipping the sun and the heaven. In this way, Korean people's preference for white clothes began with primitive religions, was mixed with various social, cultural and religious influences and finally was settled as their durable spirit, symbol and beauty.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.24-34
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• 2007

The shroud of the Chosun dynasty period originally meant the new start in the next world. Its basic principle was to wear the best clothes or wedding garments during one's life. The white hemp cloth-shroud worn during this time was formed after the 20th century. In the beginning it started simply by imitating the shroud of the common people. However recently many aspects of the trade have deteriorated by the commercialism of the shroud traders. So this study focuses on the way of keeping traditions and making the shroud desirable. First, the shroud was made of the best materials such as silk, hemp cloth, ramie cloth and cotton cloth in the past. A thought that the shroud material must be white hemp cloth is the result from misunderstanding of the traditional shroud of the Chosun dynasty period. We can produce beautiful shrouds using natural materials without losing dignity and at diverse prices. Second, the shroud was produced not only to keep the dignity of a dead person but also to avoid wasting the original cloth. Third, The shroud has pursued diversity in classifying the traditional style or the basic style. It is possible to select the shroud flexibly according to one's sense of values or the way the tomb was made. These days, the Korean full-dress attire and Wonsam (Korean woman's ceremonial clothes) are the standardized form of the ready-made shroud. The man's Korean full-dress attire on sale is sewn in the wrong way and its shape looks more like the Wonsam. I offer diverse shrouds of the Chosun dynasty period, for example, the official uniform, hemp cloth upper garment, men's black upper garment, Korean full-dress attire, Korean overcoat, Wonsam, the long hood worn by a Korean woman and a woman's long upper garment, so that we can see the Korean originality and beauty through the different types of shrouds. Also, I adjusted a number of items, undergarments and other articles according to the price. As mentioned before this study helps to portray a desirable understanding of the culture of the shroud. So I corrected many problems of the present shroud and propose a new type of shroud based on tradition. Furthermore, I recommend a way of making use of the Hanbok which the man wears during his life, at the wedding ceremony or a his 60th birthday without buying a new shroud.