• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.321-350
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to identify the difference between Sangsan-Simhak(象山心學) and Yangming-Simhak(陽明心學). This means that the whole history of Sung Confucianism needs to be understood based on changing philosophical paradigm according to the times, not general perception which regards the whole history of Sung Confucianism as Li-Hak (理學) and Sim-Hak(心學). This kind of perception is caused by the general perception which divides Sung Confucianism into Sim-Hak and Li-Hak. We regard the former as Chung-Chu study and the latter as Liu-Yang study. Because of this, Sangsan study is recognized as the former stage study of Yangming study and can not be placed in independent position in whole history of Sung Confucianism. And Sang is regarded that it takes diametrical opposition with Chuhsi study. So it is said that there is no point of sameness among them. But Sangsan study was generated from 'Song-Hak(宋學)' based on paradigm of Li-Hak and Yangming study was generated from 'Ming-Hak(明學)' based on paradigm of Sim-Hak. The difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' is generated from proposition called 'Sim is Li (心卽理)' that most research has overlooked. To identify these things, this paper examine the philosophical difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' and analyze the proposition 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' that regards Sangsan study and Yangming study as same philosophical system. And this paper identify the philosophical difference between Sangsan study and Yangming study by examining the method that the concept of 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' is applied in moral cultivation. This paper shows that the difference of interpretation about the concept of Li(理), between 'Song-Hak' based on Li paradigm and 'Ming-Hak' based on Ki-Hak(氣學) paradigm, causes different meaning in 'Sim is Li(心卽理)'. Through these, this paper demonstrate the difference between the paradigm of 'Song-Hak' that Chuhsi study and Sangsan study have and the paradigm of 'Ming-Hak' that Yangming study has and the fact which Sangsan study is systematic philosophy of Sung Confucianism in itself not former stage of Yangming study.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.327-344
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• 2017

Zhou Dunyi is regarded as a precursor of Li-Xue, which is called Neo-Confucianism. So, it could be say that Zhou Dunyi is a precursor of Song-Ming-Li-Xue. As is well known, Zhu xi is a synthesizer of Li-Xue in Song Dynasty, which is called Dao-Xue; Wang Yangming is a synthesizer of Li-Xue in Ming Dynasty, which is called Xin-Xue. Dao-Xue and Xin-Xue were engaged in an unyielding confrontation for many centuries in Asian areas. It is certain that Dao-Xue and Xin-Xue both succeed to the resources of Zhou Dunyi together, but it is not easy to confirm that the resources of Zhou Dunyi are common to both sides taking an unyielding confrontation into consideration. Usually, Zhou Dunyi is recognized as a Master of Dao-Xue rather than Xin-Xue. But in this paper, I try to give a question to this prevalent view, like this: Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue much absorbed and developed the Thought of Zhou Dunyi than Zhu-Xi-Dao-Xue did. In order to prove this assertion, I take two steps. The first is about Daotong, the second is about sincerity. In conclusion, while Wang Yangming build his own thought of moral philosophy, he fully absorbed Zhou Dunyi's thought of sincerity, and concreted his typical moral philosophy, which is Liangzhi-Xue. I could say that besides the viewpoint of Zhu xi, there is another viewpoint of Wang Yangming to understand the thought of Zhou Dunyi properly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.55 no.2 s.92
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• pp.70-81
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• 2005

This paper researches the system of official uniforms and characteristics of the system based on Ming-Shi(明史), Da-Ming-Hui-Dian(大明會典) and Hong-Wu-Li-Zhi(洪武禮制) in the emperor Hong-wu(洪武帝) of Ming dynasty(明). The system could be divided in to three terms, i.e., the early (initial), the middle and the end (last) terms. In the first(1368) & the third year of the emperor's reign (1370) the system of official uniforms was simple f9r his people not to be luxurious and for revived the system of official uniforms of the Han dynasty(漢) and annulled the system of the Yuan dynasty(元), be-cause the country was not stable yet. During the middle term of Hong-wu, the 14th (1381) to 16th (1383) year of his reign, people attained luxurious lives and developed a strong sense of rank as the country became more stable. As a result, the system became more complicated when the emperor used the costumes to represent political and social ranking. In the end of the emperor's age, the 23rd (1390) to 26th (1393), it reveals his strong intention to establish a system of costumes that separated the ruler from the ruled. He wanted to strengthen the power of Emperor for his little grandson, Jian-wen(建文帝), who would succeed to the throne and would have absolute power. These changes became fundamental to the Ming dynasty's costume system and the Ming dynasty kept them for long time.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.75-93
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• 2019

Objectives : This study is to reveal the origin of Mingtangyangfutu in "YiXueRenMen". Methods : This study compares and analyzes it with MingTang diagrams in reference books of "YiXueRenMen", MingTang diagrams and diagrams of bronze statues for acu-moxibustion in those days. Results : The origins of Mingtangyangfutu cannot be found in the citations. The argument that it is copied and simplified from MingTang diagrams in "JinLanXunJing(金蘭循經)" lacks its grounds. As MingTang diagrams in "TongRenShuXueZhengJiuTuJing" and "ZhenJiuJuYing" have less information than it, they were nothing more than references when it drew. Apparel of man, the first acupoint, the last acupoint and orders of acupoints of their meridians in it are different from ones in MingTang diagrams and diagrams of bronze statues for acu-moxibustion. Conclusions : Mingtangyangfutu is not a copied and simplified version of MingTang diagrams in "JinLanXunJing", but is one to add new information for MingTang diagrams in "TongRenShuXueZhengJiuTuJing", "ZhenJiuJuYing", or has a separate rationale (Gajeongdongin(嘉靖銅人) related to at the time.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.127-144
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• 1998

According to the above, Myungsunrock(明善錄) written by 'Hansuckji(韓錫地);A.D.$1709{\sim}1803$' advocated his idea as well as criticized theory of 'Zhu Zi(朱子)' and influnced of the theory of 'SaSang Constitutional Medicine(四象醫學)' established by 'Lee Je-ma(李濟馬)' indirectly and directly inlater. Therefore it was as follows that the conclusion of the contents of Myungsunrock' and the philosophical basis of 'SaSang Constitutional Medicine(四象醫學)’. 1. Hansuckji was the 'Choungju Hanssi Rhevinyungongpa(淸州 韓氏) 禮'賓 尹a公n派)’ and descendanted with of the founder of his family and he was born in 1709, dead in 1803 at 95 age 2. Hansuckji was a scholar of a 'Yang Ming(陽明)’ that criticized study of 'Zhu Zi' and the group of 'Song(宋)' 3. Hansuckji defined that "Ge(格) is Zheng(正)". 4. Hansuckji advocated 'Zhi Xing He Yi Shuo(知行合一說)' 5. Hansuckji advocated that (we must) reach the 'Ming Shan(明善)' through the study and the means of 'Ming Shan' is as like as the means of 'Zhi Liang Zhi(致良知)' 6. Hansuckji explained of theory of 'Tiyong(體用)' instead of deviding into 'Tian Ren Xin Ming Li Qi(天 人 性 命 理 氣)' 7. The thought of Hansuckji delivered the theory of 'SaSang Constitutional Medicine(四象醫學:' established Lee Je-ma(李濟馬) directly and indirectly 8. Hansuckji is the first class of the scholars of 'Yang Ming' that included the contents of theory of 'Yang Ming' among the 'Yanlun(言論), directly 9. Lee Je-ma was obviously the third class of the scholars of 'Yang Ming' which advocating fundamental spirit of his whole life but he had no reference of the study of 'Yang Ming'.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.55-68
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• 2010

It has been generally known that Datong-li (a Chinese calendar in the Ming dynasty) was first introduced into Korea in the nineteenth reign of King Gongmin (1370) of the Goryeo dynasty and lasted to the third reign of King Hyeojong (1652) of the Joseon dynasty. This understanding is based on the records of Goryeo-sa (History of the Goryeo dynasty) and of Seoungwan-ji (Official book of Seoungwan)/Jeungbomunheon-bigo (Explanatory Notes of Library Document). To verify the period of the use of Datong-li in Korea, we develop a Fortran code to calculate the calendar day by Datong-li and also investigate historical literatures and extant almanacs. As a result, we find the possibility that Datong-li had been in use since 1389 at least. However, we cannot confirm whether Datong-li was first enforced in 1370 or not. On the other hand, we confirm that Datong-li was used until 1653 and reintroduced during the period from 1667 to 1669. Also, we find that previous studies had some errors in the sexagenary cycle of the real first day of a month. We think that this study will contribute to understanding the calendrical history of the Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Electrical and Electronic Material Engineers
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.519-523
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• 2006

$LiFePO_4$ has been received attention as a potential cathode material for the lithium secondary batteries. In our study, $LiFePO_4$ cathode active materials were synthesized by a solid-state reaction. It was modified by coating $TiO_2$ and carbon in order to enhance cyclic performance and electronic conductivity. $TiO_2$ and carbon coatings on $LiFePO_4$ materials enhanced the electronic conductivity and its charge/discharge capacity. For lithium polymer battery applications, $LiFePO_4$/solid polymer electrolyte (SPE)/Li and $LiFePO_{4}-TiO_{2}/SPE/Li$ cells were characterized by a cyclic voltammetry and charge/discharge cycling. The electrode with $LiFePO_{4}-carbon-TiO_{2}$ in PVDF-PC-EC-$LiClO_{4}$ electrolyte showed promising capacity of above 100 mAh/g at 1C rate.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Marine Engineers Conference
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• 2011.06a
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• pp.214-214
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• 2011

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Marine Engineers Conference
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• 2012.06a
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• pp.143-143
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• 2012

• Proceedings of the Earthquake Engineering Society of Korea Conference
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• 1998.10a
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• pp.222-227
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• 1998