• 제목/요약/키워드: Maritime Power projection Capability

검색결과 4건 처리시간 0.02초

해군력이 해양 영토분쟁의 해결에 미치는 영향 (A Study on the Influence of Naval Power upon the Resolution of Maritime Territorial Disputes)

  • 한종환
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권44호
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    • pp.103-141
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    • 2018
  • As the South China Sea maritime dispute illustrates, when considering the place where maritime claims occur, states do not have many choices to respond to maritime claims in which disputed areas are located far away from the land and are surrounded by the sea. As Mearsheimer (2014) points out, the sea stops power projection. Therefore, in order to adopt coercive as well as peaceful settlement policies to deal with maritime claims, states need to overcome obstacles (the sea) to project power. It means that if states want to conduct a specific foreign policy action, such as negotiating maritime borderlines or arguing sovereignty on islands, they need a tool (naval power) to coerce or to persuade the opponent. However, there are lack of research that studies maritime claims from the perspective of naval power. This research project fills this gap based on naval power. How do relative levels of naval power and (dis) parities of naval power influence the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims? Naval power is a constitutive element during maritime claims. If disputants over maritime claims have required naval power to project their capability, it means that they have the capability to apply various ways, such as aggressive options including MIDs, to accomplish their goals. So, I argue that when two claimants have enough naval power to project their capabilities, the likelihood of MIDs over maritime claims increases. Given that one or both states have a certain level of naval power, how does relative naval power between two claimants influence the management of maritime claims? Based on the power transition theory, I argue that when the disparities of relative naval power between claimants becomes distinctive, militarized conflicts surrounding maritime territory are less probable. Based on the ICOW project which codes maritime claims from 1900 to 2001, the empirical results of the Poisson models show if both claimants have projectable naval power, the occurrence of MIDs over maritime claims increases. In addition, the result shows that when disputants maintain similar relative naval powers, they are more likely to initiate MIDs over maritime claims. To put it differently, if naval capabilities' gap between two claimants becomes larger, the probability of the occurrence of MIDs decreases.

일본의 신(新) 해양전략과 해상전력 발전 동향 분석 - 중국의 해양패권 추구에 대한 대응을 중심으로 - (The analysis on Japan's New Maritime Strategy and the Development of its Naval Forces - focusing on Japan's countermeasure to China's pursuing of maritime hegemony -)

  • 배준형
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권40호
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    • pp.5-36
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    • 2016
  • Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

최근 인도양 해적활동과 대해적작전 변화에 따른 한국 청해부대 역할 연구 (A study on role of ROK Escort Task Gruop according to recently Pirate Conducting Trend and Anti-Piracy Operation in Indian Ocean)

  • 최형민
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권32호
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    • pp.192-221
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    • 2013
  • In order to deal with the current economic crisis, the U.S. government, as a part of its austerity fiscal policy, implemented a budget sequester. The sequester will hit the U.S. defense budget the hardest, and as a result will most likely put the security of the international community in jeopardy. The U.S. will have to cut 46 billion dollars from its original 525 billon defense spending in 2013. And by the year 2022, will have to cut 486.9 billion dollars. Such an astronomical decrease in the U.S. defense spending will inevitably burden the friendly nations. According to recent studies, pirate related incidents in Somalia, where piracy is most active, has declined from its 226 incidents to 76 incidents per year in 2012, a 66% drop from previous years'. However, piracy threats as well as those related to firearms still remain and thus participants of anti-piracy operations, namely the U.S., U.K., France, Canada, NCC, EUNAVFOR, and NATO, are facing a problem of declining forces. Considering the current situation as well as rising expectations from the international community, Republic of Korea, a supporter of NCC's maritime security operation, not to mention its foremost duty of securing its sea, is at a stage to re-examine its operational picture. Such action will be a good opportunity for Republic of Korea to build the trust and live up to the international community's expectation. To quote from the network theory, although in relation to other friendly nations participating in the anti-piracy operation, Republic of Korea currently remains at a single cell level, this opportunity will certainly develop Korea to a 'node' nation in which power and information would flow into. Through this expansion of operational capability, Republic of Korea will be able to exert more influence as a more developed nation. Currently however, not only is the single 4,500 ton class destroyer deployed in Somalia a limited unit to further expand the scale and amount of force projection in the area, but also the total of six 4,500 ton class destroyers ROK feet possess is at a high fatigue degree due to standard patrolling operations, midshipman cruise and the RIMPAC exercise. ROK fleet therefore must consider expanding the number of ships deployed along with either deploying combat support ships or constructing logistics support site in the African region. Thus, by expanding its operational capabilities and furthermore by abiding to the rightful responsibilities of a middle power nation, Republic of Korea will surely earn its respect among the members of the international community.

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한국의 『인도-태평양 전략』 지원을 위한 해군의 역할·발전방안 고찰 (Tasks and Development plan of R.O.K. Navy to support Korean government's 『Indo-Pacific Strategy』)

  • 지영
    • 해양안보
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.83-107
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    • 2023
  • 인도-태평양 국가인 대한민국에게 이 지역의 안정과 번영은 국가의 생존과 이익에 직결된다. 현재 인태지역은 미국과 중국의 전략적 경쟁으로 안보환경이 불안정하며, 초국가· 비전통적 위협도 상존하고 있어, 소자/다자 간 공동의 대응을 요구하고 있다. 이에 따라 미국, 일본, ASEAN 및 역외의 EU, NATO까지 자체 인태전략을 발표하며, 이 지역 현안에 개입하고자 노력 중이다. 한국도 2022년 12월 28일, 독자적인 인태전략을 공개하였는데, 이는 이전 신남방정책의 균형외교(전략적 모호성)를 벗어나, 광범위한 인태지역의 현안에 적극적으로 개입·기여하겠다는 의미로 받아들여진다. 이제 해군은 정부의 인태전략을 뒷받침하기 위해 준비해야 한다. 첫째, 역내 안보현안 관련 소자/다자 간 군사협력을 강화하고, 둘째, 이 협력의 메시지를 전파하기 위해 해군력 현시, 연합훈련 등 실제 전력을 운용하여 잠재적 위협에 대해 거부적 억제를 달성해야 한다. 셋째, 인태지역에 상존하는 초국가·비전통적 위협에 대응하는 한편, 선진국으로 발돋움한 한국의 해군으로서, 개발도상국의 해양력 증강을 지원하는 기여 외교도 실시해야 할 것이다. 이러한 역할을 수행함에 있어, 해군 고유의 작전특성(기동성, 융통성, 지속성, 현시성, 투사성)이 발휘될 것이며, 이를 구현하기 위해 해군 내·외부 작전환경(SWOT)을 분석하고, 발전방안을 제시하였다.

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