• Title/Summary/Keyword: Maritime Confidence-Building Measures

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Chinese Naval Power Build-up and Measures for Regional Maritime Cooperation (중국의 해군력 발전과 지역 해양안보 협력 방안)

  • Park, Chang-Hee
    • Strategy21
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    • s.40
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    • pp.162-189
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    • 2016
  • This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

Maritime Confidence-Building Measures and Crisis Management Systems Between Korea and China: Is it the Best Practice for Region? (한·중 해양신뢰구축 및 위기관리방안 : 역내 표준사례인가?)

  • Yoon, Sukjoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.38
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    • pp.193-220
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    • 2015
  • Leaving the legacies of the Cold War and other difficulties behind them, South Korea and China are building up their successful strategic cooperative partnership, moving forward toward through the development of new economic exchanges and diplomatic cooperation between the two countries, and this process is expected to gain momentum during 2015. 2015 is the third year since President Park of South Korea and President Xi of China came into office, and also the first year they have begun to implement the many declarations and promises which they have made within the context of the strategic cooperative partnership. The two nations share a common cultural heritage, and their governments should take this opportunity to leverage their partnership to enhance their economies and to improve their people's quality of life, especially for the younger generation. At a summit held in July 2014, the two leaders agreed to launch a working-level group on maritime boundary delimitation. The first meeting took place on January 29, 2015, and addressed issues of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and continental shelves in the Yellow Sea, which has an area of about 380,000 ㎢. It is greatly to be hoped that the 2015 maritime boundary delimitation meeting between South Korea and China will not impair the future of bilateral relations, but rather will improve their prospects. South Korea and China must take the opportunity to secure a definitive delimitation of their maritime boundary; their strategic cooperative partnership is in good order and China is currently taking a somewhat more flexible stance on the ECS and the SCS, so an agreement on boundaries will serve as a useful model for regional maritime cooperation.

PCA Ruling on South China Sea : Implications for Region (필리핀 vs. 중국 간 남중국해 사건 중재판정의 동아시아 역내 함의)

  • Park, Young-Gil
    • Strategy21
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    • s.40
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    • pp.131-143
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    • 2016
  • On 12 July 2016, China's maritime claim to most of the South China Sea (SCS) based on the so-called nine-dash line was rejected by the Arbitral Tribunal, constituted under Annex VII to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) concerning issues in the South China Sea including the legality of the so-called "nine-dashed line", the status of certain maritime features and their corresponding maritime entitlements, together with the lawfulness of certain actions by China which the Philppines, in a case brought in 2013, alleged were violations. As having the Tribunal determined that China's claim had no legal grounds in UNCLOS, thus undermining China's claims, and establishing that China has no exclusive legal rights to control the area roughly the size of India. There are some major implications from the Tribunal's ruling in the Arbitration award. These include implications on: how to delimit the maritime boundary in disputed waters, how to promote maritime confidence-building measures, how to safeguard maritime safety and security, and how to promote the rule of law in the SCS. Since its application of UNCLOS in East Asia, it has been obvious that the only way to resolve maritime disputes in the region is to build strong maritime cooperative partnerships under the auspices of the rule of law.

Geopolitics in East Asia and United Nations Convention Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) (동북아시아에서의 지정학과 유엔해양법협약)

  • Shin, Chang-Hoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.36
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    • pp.33-58
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    • 2015
  • In 1996, China, Japan and the ROK all became the party to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Since then, the UNCLOS has been a fundamental basis for the resolution and management of maritime disputes amongst them. However, there still remain acrimonious disputes in the region. Resources nationalism and the revival of geopolitics aggravates the disputes particularly on sovereignty over disputed islands, maritime delimitation and the legal nature of military activities in other States' Exclusive Economic Zones. Under the circumstances, why have the demands for the conclusion of a regional agreement been raised in this region? A desirable regional agreement regarding ocean affairs should be compatible with the rights and obligations under the UNCLOS, a universal norm regarding ocean affairs. This paper will propose a desirable regional agreement by adopting an incremental approach.