• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.1-38
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• 1972

This study, designed to establish a classification system of paddy soils and suitability groups on productivity and management of paddy land based on soil characteristics, has been made for the paddy soils on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains. The morphological, physical and chemical properties of the 15 paddy soil series found on these plains are briefly as follows: Ten soil series (Baeggu, Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) have a B horizon (cambic B), two soil series (Geugrag and Hwadong) have a Bt horizon (argillic B), and three soil series (Gwanghwal, Hwagye and Sindab) have no B or Bt horizons. Uniquely, both the Bongnam and Gongdeog series contain a muck layer in the lower part of subsoil. Four soil series (Baeggu, Gongdeog, Gwanghwal and Sindab) generally are bluish gray and dark gray, and eight soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) are either gray or grayish brown. Three soil series (Geugrag, Hwadong and Hwagye), however, are partially gleyed in the surface and subsurface, but have a yellowish brown to brown subsoil or substrata. Seven soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Geugrag, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam and Hwadong) are of fine clayey texture, three soil series (Baeggu, Jeonbug and Jisan) belong to fine loamy and fine silty, three soil series (Gwanghwal, Mangyeong and Suam) to coarse loamy and coarse silty, and two soil series (Hwagye and Sindab) to sandy and sandy skeletal texture classes. The carbon content of the surface soil ranges from 0.29 to 2.18 percent, mostly 1.0 to 2.0 percent. The total nitrogen content of the surface soil ranges from 0.03 to 0.25 percent, showing a tendency to decrease irregularly with depth. The C/N ratio in the surface soil ranges from 4.6 to 15.5, dominantly from 8 to 10. The C/N ratio in the subsoil and substrata, however, has a wide range from 3.0 to 20.25. The soil reaction ranges from 4.5 to 8.0. All soil series except the Gwanghwal and Mangyeong series belong to the acid reaction class. The cation exchange cpacity in the surface soil ranges from 5 to 13 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil, and in all the subsoil and substrata except those of a sandy texture, from 10 to 20 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil. The base saturation of the soil series except Baeggu and Gongdeog is more than 60 percent. The active iron content of the surface soil ranges from 0.45 to 1.81 ppm, easily-reduceable manganese from 15 to 148 ppm, and available silica from 36 to 366 ppm. The iron and manganese are generally accumulated in a similar position (10 to 70cm. depth), and silica occurs in the same horizon with that of iron and manganese, or in the deeper horizons in the soil profile. The properties of each soil series extending from the sea shore towards the continental plains change with distance and they are related with distance (x) as follows: y(surface soil, clay content) = $$-0.2491x^2+6.0388x-1.1251$$ y(subsoil or subsurface soil, clay content) = $$-0.31646x^2+7.84818x-2.50008$$ y(surface soil, organic carbon content) = $$-0.0089x^2+0.2192x+0.1366$$ y(subsoil or subsurface soil, pH) = $$-0.0178x^2-0.04534x+8.3531$$ Soil profile development, soil color, depositional and organic layers, soil texture and soil reaction etc. are thought to be the major items that should be considered in a paddy soil classification. It was found that most of the soils belonging to the moderately well, somewhat poorly and poorly drained fine and medium textured soils and moderately deep fine textured soils over coarse materials, produce higher paddy yields in excess of 3,750 kg/ha. and most of the soils belonging to the coarse textured soils, well drained fine textured soils, moderately deep medium textured soils over coarse materials and saline soils, produce yields less than 3,750kg/ha. Soil texture of the profile, available soil depth, salinity and gleying of the surface and subsurface soils etc. seem to be the major factors determining rice yields, and these factors are considered when establishing suitability groups for paddy land. The great group, group, subgroup, family and series are proposed for the classification categories of paddy soils. The soil series is the basic category of the classification. The argillic horizon (Bt horizon) and cambic horizon (B horizon) are proposed as two diagnostic horizons of great group level for the determination of the morphological properties of soils in the classification. The specific soil characteristics considered in the group and subgroup levels are soil color of the profile (bluish gray, gray or yellowish brown), salinity (salic), depositonal (fluvic) and muck layers (mucky), and gleying of surface and subsurface soils (gleyic). The family levels are classified on the basis of soil reaction, soil texture and gravel content of the profile. The definitions are given on each classification category, diagnostic horizons and specific soil characteristics respectively. The soils on these plains are classified in eight subgroups and examined under the existing classification system. Further, the suitability group, can be divided into two major categories, suitability class and subclass. The soils within a suitability class are similar in potential productivity and limitation on use and management. Class 1 through 4 are distinguished from each other by combination of soil characteristics. Subclasses are divided from classes that have the same kind of dominant limitations such as slope(e), wettness(w), sandy(s), gravels(g), salinity(t) and non-gleying of the surface and subsurface soils(n). The above suitability classes and subclasses are examined, and the definitions are given. Seven subclasses are found on these plains for paddy soils. The classification and suitability group of 15 paddy soil series on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains may now be tabulated as follows.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.