• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.59-70
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• 2013

Exit polls failed to estimate the number of seats in the National Assembly for each party in the 2012 General Election, even though they estimated it in interval. Three major broadcast companies jointly carried out exit polls, but made projections independently. The exact methods of projection were not publicly released. This paper proposes confidence intervals for the number of seats in local constituencies using the results of exit polls, and conducted simulation studies to assess the performance of the cofidence intervals. The proposed confidence intervals were applied to the real data of 2012 General Election.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.301-307
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• 2022

Today, each broadcasting station makes the best use of CG (computer Graphics), which is the latest technology in election broadcasting, and competes to attract the eyes of viewers. This paper investigated the history of CG technology and design transitions in election ballot counting broadcasts from the perspective of CG designers. From the 1980s, when computer-based election ballot counting began, to the full-scale use of virtual studios, the image and technology produced by CG while watching the ballot-counting broadcast video of general elections, presidential elections, and local elections. We analyzed the utilization from various angles. In Korea, we started with the EDDS (Election Data Display System) developed in-house, created a database using a computer, and introduced manual animation CG every day from that time. After that, broadcasting stations focused on diverse and gorgeous CG image competition, and CG images were expanded from 2D to 3D while technology and design developed together. From 1985 to 1992, Korean broadcasting can be seen as a transitional period in which the image changes due to the emphasis on information power while utilizing digital technology.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.661-671
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to analyze the core policies of local government directors by performing centrality analysis on their core policies using network text analysis method. From the research results, it was verified to some extent that major policies of local government directors were changing during the path to arrive at 5th civil election. However, according to policy type by Peterson (development policy, allocation policy and redistribution policy) it was found that they still focused on development policies. However, it is encouraging that the government directors elected in the 5th election started to pay attention to 'Culture' which is one of allocation policies.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.171-179
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• 2013

During 19th general election the customized LBSNS(Location Based SNS) application for some candidates of the National Assembly planned and developed based on the object identification, ePosition, comprising the candidate's name have been applied for an election campaign. The approval rating change before and after 19th election campaign period for each candidate was quantitatively studied how it would be affected by the candidate custom LBSNS application. Only 3 out of 24 candidates in 6 local electorates in the Daejon Metropolitan City have adopted the customized LBSNS application and the rest 21 candidates have not, whose approval rating change before and after an election campaign has been analyzed comparatively candidate by candidate. The approval rating for 3 candidates adopting LBSNS application went up by 12.6%, 11.4%, 11.2% respectively, but those for the rest 21 candidates all changed within 3%.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.49
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• pp.121-173
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• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.147-165
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• 1992

This paper analyzes the macroeconomic effects of elections on the Korean economy and their future ramifications. It measures the shocks to the Korean economy caused by elections by taking the average of sample forecast errors from four major elections held in the 1980s. The seven variables' Bayesian Vector Autoregression Model which includes the Monetary Base, Industrial Production, Consumption, Consumer Price, Exports, and Investment is based on the quarterly time series data starting from 1970 and is updated every quarter before forecasts are made for the next quarter. Because of this updating of coefficients, which reflects in part the rapid structural changes of the Korean economy, this study can capture the shock effect of elections, which is not possible when using election dummies with a fixed coefficient model. In past elections, especially the elections held in the 1980s, $M_2$ did not show any particular movement, but the currency and base money increased during the quarter of the election was held and the increment was partly recalled in the next quarter. The liquidity of interest rates as measured by corporate bond yields fell during the quarter the election and then rose in the following quarter, which is somewhat contrary to the general concern that interest rates will increase during election periods. Manufacturing employment fell in the quarter of the election because workers turned into campaigners. This decline in employment combined with voting holiday produce a sizeable decline in industrial production during the quarter in which elections are held, but production catches up in the next quarter and sometimes more than offsets the disruption caused during the election quarter. The major shocks to price occur in the previous quarter, reflecting the expectational effect and the relaxation of government price control before the election when we simulate the impulse responses of the VAR model, imposing the same shocks that was measured in the past elections for each election to be held in 1992 and assuming that the elections in 1992 will affect the economy in the same manner as in the 1980s elections, 1992 is expected to see a sizeable increase in monetary base due to election and prices increase pressure will be amplified substantially. On the other hand, the consumption increase due to election is expected to be relatively small and the production will not decrease. Despite increased liquidity, a large portion of liquidity in circulation being used as election funds will distort the flow of funds and aggravate the fund shortage causing investments in plant and equipment and construction activities to stagnate. These effects will be greatly amplified if elections for the head of local government are going to be held this year. If mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held after National Assembly elections, their effect on prices and investment will be approximately double what they normally will have been have only congressional and presidential elections been held. Even when mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held at the same time as congressional elections, the elections of local government heads are shown to add substantial effects to the economy for the year. The above results are based on the assumption that this year's elections will shock the economy in the same manner as in past elections. However, elections in consecutive quarters do not give the economy a chance to pause and recuperate from past elections. This year's elections may have greater effects on prices and production than shown in the model's simulations because campaigners' return to industry may be delayed. Therefore, we may not see a rapid recall of money after elections. In view of the surge in the monetary base and price escalation in the periods before and after elections, economic management in 1992 should place its first priority on controlling the monetary aggregate, in particular, stabilizing the growth of the monetary base.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.141-150
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• 2021

Article 117, Paragraph 1 of the 「Constitution」 states that "Local governments may enact provisions relating to local autonomy, within the limit of Acts and subordinate statutes". It restricts the enactment of effective self-government laws. The fundamental problem-solving is securing the right to self-governing legislation through constitutional amendment. Therefore, it must be revised to "Local governments can make regulations on self-government to the extent that they handle resident welfare affairs in accordance with the subsidiarity and do not violate the law." In the long-term perspective, the current education council problem, which is contrary to the constitution, has to be revived as a constitutional independent education committee system, and the voting agency and the executive agency must go together and education councilors must have about 10 years of experience in education and education administration. The current superintendent's election system is of great significance in establishing democratic legitimacy by ensuring residents' right to vote and securing a superintendent's representation of residents. It hasn't been long since the system was implemented, but there are some side effects and it is argued that the election system should be replaced by the appointment by the head of the local government, the running mate system or the joint registration system. However it is thought that it is necessary to minimize and supplement the side effects rather than fixing the system as it violates the Constitution of the local education autonomy system.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.149-171
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• 2018

The aim of this study is to investigate the library related campaign promises of the candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments and the superintendents of education between 1st and 6th nationwide local election in Korea. To do this, the library related campaign promises of 346 candidates were analyzed by analysing the official gazettes for elections digitally archived in National Election Commission of Korea. As a result, the campaign promises of the candidates were insufficient both in quality and quantity. The candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments showed low ratio of the library related campaign promises, excessive concentration on construction or installation of libraries and higher preference for small libraries than public libraries. The candidates for the superintendents of education showed relatively balanced distribution of the election promises on library fields. But the campaign promises related public libraries were insufficient and the campaign promises of school libraries did not reflect the major elements of school libraries and the context of school libraries in Korea.