Some Instances of Manchurian Naturalization and Settlement in Choson Dynasty (향화인의 조선 정착 사례 연구 - 여진 향화인을 중심으로 -)
-
- (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
- /
- no.37
- /
- pp.33-61
- /
- 2009
-
In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of northeastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to NorthWestern people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.
The purpose of this paper is reviewing the hot issue called 'draining away the presidential records' case occurred recently and finding the root cause why the state of affairs has been happened in Korea. Though the presidential records management law ensures the rights for the prior president to view his presidential records, the prior president has copied his presidential records produced while in office and moved to his private house at his retirement. He might have interpreted his right to his presidential records too broadly and done the 'draining away' them. There was a motive why the prior president did that at that time. The reason was because the National Archives didn't guarantee the services for right viewing the records to him who wanted to review his records from right after his retirement. The National Archives have judged the draining away the prior presidential records as illegal and accused a few public servants suspected to be responsible for the affairs. The formal accuser is the National Archives, but the actual accuser might be the current Presidential Secretariat. Whatever the results of juristic judgement are, the reason why the records management field should focus and treat this case importantly is that the collapse possibility of the protection wall needed essentially and critically to the Presidential records becomes very high. The root cause of this case might exist in the fact that the records and archives management organizations have not owned the political independence. But the National Archives has submitted the revised bill of the public records and archives management law which lower the position of the National Records Management Committee controlled under from the Prime Minister to the Ministry of Administration and Security. It might be hot concern that the records and archives management organizations have difficulty for keeping the political independence if the revision would be passed. Besides the political independence factor, the most important factor needed for the right records management is the establishing the professional specificity of records management. The specific action for the establishing professional specificity would be employing of specialists and introducing the open official appointment. But it was found from the reorganization after the governmental change that the professional specificity of the National Archives have been reduced. Although the policies introduced by the new government are worrying, it might be an inheritance from the prior government. If new government would build establish the institution for the political independence of the records and archives management organizations and expand the employment of the records management professions to the local government, these affairs can be not only the responsibilities but also the achievements of the new government.
This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.
This thesis is a study of the rise and the characteristic of 'Hyangto Gakeuk(literally Song drama of the country or local music drama)' in the Early 1940s. During the colonial period, there were attempts to incorporate traditional Korean music elements with Western operatic form. This type of music drama with librettos based on traditional tales came to be known as 'Hyangto Gakeuk'. Mostly 'Hyangto Gakeuk' has led this effort under the director Seo Hang-Suk, the composer Ahn Ki-Young and the lyricist Seol Eui-sik. In the first chapter, the study aims at arranging the performance history of 'Hyangto Gakeuk' composed by Ahn Ki-Young. Also, the study examined representative works after classifying 'Hyangto Gakeuk' performed by Lamila Music Drama Troupe, and Bando Music Drama Troupe. There is significant meaning to evaluate 'Hyangto Gakeuk' in the history of Korean music drama through this analysis of the performance history. In the second chapter, I will analyze with representative works composed by Ahn Ki-Young, a pioneer in the Korean art song. He tried to create the music that held the nationalism and tradition. His works which were called 'Kageuk' laid down the foundation of Korean original operatic style. This study demonstrated characteristics of 'Hyangto Gakeuk' as 'the beginning' in modern musical drama history and its effects on Korean musical drama developments. Namely, 'Hyangto Gakeuk' based on Korean traditions can be seen as examples of original modern musical in Korea. Practically, study on all the aspects of performance not only text generally studied, dramaturgy and criticism, but also performance concept and intention of creators in early period.
This research has conducted studies on an Oriental medicine-based method of diagnosing of occupational musculoskeletal system diseases. This researcher has searched through existing relevant medical literature. Also, this researcher has worked on a moire topography using moire topography. In this course, this researcher has reached the following conclusion in relation to the possibility of using a moire topography as a diagnosing device of musculoskeletal system diseases under Oriental medicine . 1 The Western medicine outlines its criteria of screening occupational musculoskeletal system diseases as follows A. The occupational musculoskeletal diseases must clearly include one or more of the subjective symptoms characterized by pain, hypoesthesia dysaesthesia, anaesthesia. etc . B, There should be clinically admitted objective observations and diagnosis outlining that the disease concerned shows symptoms such as tenderness, induration. and edema that can appear with occupational musculoskeletal system diseases. dyscinesia should be admitted with the disease concerned, or there should be observations and diagnosis outlining that abnormality exists in electric muscular or nervous diagnosis and examination . C. It should be admitted that prior to the occurrence of symptoms or observations and diagnosis on musculoskeletal system-related diseases, a patient has been engaged in works with conditions requiring improper work posture or work movement. That is, this is an approach whereby they see abnormality in the musculoskeletal system come from material and structural defect, and adjust and control abnormality in the musculoskeletal system and secreta . 2. The Oriental medicines sees that a patient develops the pain of occupational musculoskeletal diseases as he cannot properly activate the flow of his life force and blood thus not only causing formation of lumps in the body and blocking the flow of life force and blood in some parts of the body. Hence, The Oriental medicine focuses on resolving the cause of weakening the flow of life force and blood, instead of taking material approach of correcting structural abnormality Furthermore , Oriental medicine sees that when muscle tension builds up, this presses blood vessels and nerves passing by, triggering circulation dyscrasia and neurological reaction and thus leading to lesion. Thus, instead of taking skeletal or neurophysiological approach. it seeks to fundamentally resolve the cause of the flow of the life force and blood in muscles not being activated. As a result Oriental medicine attributes the main cause of musculoskeletal system diseases to muscle tension and its build-up that stem from an individual's long formed chronicle habit and work environment. This approach considers not only the social structure aspect including companies owners and work environment that the existing methods have looked at, but also individual workers' responsibility and their environmental factors. Hence, this is a step forward method. 3 The diagnosis of musculoskeletal diseases under Oriental medicine is characterized by the fact that an Oriental medicine doctor uses not only photos taken by himself, but also various detection devices to gather information and pass comprehensive judgment on it. Thus, it is the core of diagnosis under Oriental medicine to develop diagnosing devices matching the characteristics of information to be induced and to interpret information so induced from the views of Oriental medicine. Diagnosis using diagnosing devices values the whole state of a patient and formal abnormality alike, and the whole balance and muscular state of a patient serves as the basis of diagnosis. Hence, this method, instead of depending on the information gathered from devices under Western medicine, requires devices that provide information on the whole state of a patient in addition to the local abnormality information that X-ray. CT, etc., can offer. This method sees muscle as the central part of the abnormality in the musculoskeletal system and thus requires diagnosing devices enabling the muscular state. 4. The diagnosing device using moire topography under Oriental medicine has advantages below and can be used for diagnosing musculoskeletal system diseases with industrial workers . First, the device can Provide information on the body in an unbalanced state. and thus identify the imbalance and difference of height in the left and right stature that a patient can not notice at normal times. Second, the device shows the twisting of muscles or induration regions in a contour map. This is not possible with existing shooting machines such as X-ray, CT, etc., thus differentiating itself from existing machines. Third, this device makes it possible for Oriental medicine to take its unique approach to the abnormality in the musculoskeletal system. Oriental medicine sees the state and imbalance state in muscles as major factors in determining the lesion of musculoskeletal system, and the device makes it possible to shoot the state of muscles in detail. In this respect, the device is significant. Fourth, the device has an advantage as non-aggression diagnosing device.
The Background and Purpose It is done the study on the public health care of oriental medicine and improvement of its system recently, I think that these effect a good health care for a people through the public health care of oriental medicine. Since Woosuk university and Chonju-Wansan health center had taken upon the oriental medicine service in the health center in 1995, we have public favor from the local population. So in other to a study on the clinical statistics of oriental medicine service in the health center, I investigated general character, style of diseases, effect of treatments and the like for a paitents received oriental medicine treatments in there. Objective and Methods This study researched into clinical statistics for paitents received oriental medicine treatments in the Chonju-Wansan health center during one year period from January 4 1996 to December 26 1996. The number of object was 238 case of 234 persons. Results and Conclusions Analyzing these 234 persons, the proportion of males to females was 1 to 6.8. As for the distribution of age, the ages of 61 to 70 occupied 34.62 per cent in the ages of 51 to 90 occupied 88.89 per cent in the whole paitons. Therefor female was very highly more than male and paitents were for the most part, old ages(51years old and over). Musculoskeletal system and connective tissue disease of 238 case occupied 82.77 per cent. were the greatest proportion. At the duration of disease, 1 year to 5 years occupied 32.35 per cent, was the highest The grade Ⅲ was the most of the sign of paitents at first visit, it occupied 55.88 per cent. The good(++) and over effect of treatments occupied 62.18 per cent, the fair(+) and over effect of treatments occupied 78.99 per cent. As for the duration of treatment, the case of 2 times to 5 times visit occupied 34.03 per cent, was the highest. And the case of 2 times to 10 times visit was 4 times as good effect as the case of only one visit. By medication of treatment, O-Juk-San(五積散) occupied 32.21 per cent, was the greatest proportion, and Pal-Mj-Hoan(八味丸) occupied the second greatest proportion. Therefor the most of paitents had the chronic diseases and was diagnosed Sin-Yang-He(腎陽虛). The average 22.58 persons received acupuctural treatment a day, the average 0.58 persons received the moxibustion a day, the average 2.28 persons received venesection (bloodletting) a day. And others treatment performed physical therapy and the like. The case received treatment of the oriental and western medicine at the same time. marked 21 persons among 30 persons and had a good effect by 70 per cent. The average 26.95 persons received treatment of oriental medicine a day, the average 3.9 persons received the first medical examination a day.
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.
The wall shear stress in the vicinity of end-to end anastomoses under steady flow conditions was measured using a flush-mounted hot-film anemometer(FMHFA) probe. The experimental measurements were in good agreement with numerical results except in flow with low Reynolds numbers. The wall shear stress increased proximal to the anastomosis in flow from the Penrose tubing (simulating an artery) to the PTFE: graft. In flow from the PTFE graft to the Penrose tubing, low wall shear stress was observed distal to the anastomosis. Abnormal distributions of wall shear stress in the vicinity of the anastomosis, resulting from the compliance mismatch between the graft and the host artery, might be an important factor of ANFH formation and the graft failure. The present study suggests a correlation between regions of the low wall shear stress and the development of anastomotic neointimal fibrous hyperplasia(ANPH) in end-to-end anastomoses. 30523 T00401030523 ^x Air pressure decay(APD) rate and ultrafiltration rate(UFR) tests were performed on new and saline rinsed dialyzers as well as those roused in patients several times. C-DAK 4000 (Cordis Dow) and CF IS-11 (Baxter Travenol) reused dialyzers obtained from the dialysis clinic were used in the present study. The new dialyzers exhibited a relatively flat APD, whereas saline rinsed and reused dialyzers showed considerable amount of decay. C-DAH dialyzers had a larger APD(11.70
The wall shear stress in the vicinity of end-to end anastomoses under steady flow conditions was measured using a flush-mounted hot-film anemometer(FMHFA) probe. The experimental measurements were in good agreement with numerical results except in flow with low Reynolds numbers. The wall shear stress increased proximal to the anastomosis in flow from the Penrose tubing (simulating an artery) to the PTFE: graft. In flow from the PTFE graft to the Penrose tubing, low wall shear stress was observed distal to the anastomosis. Abnormal distributions of wall shear stress in the vicinity of the anastomosis, resulting from the compliance mismatch between the graft and the host artery, might be an important factor of ANFH formation and the graft failure. The present study suggests a correlation between regions of the low wall shear stress and the development of anastomotic neointimal fibrous hyperplasia(ANPH) in end-to-end anastomoses. 30523 T00401030523 ^x Air pressure decay(APD) rate and ultrafiltration rate(UFR) tests were performed on new and saline rinsed dialyzers as well as those roused in patients several times. C-DAK 4000 (Cordis Dow) and CF IS-11 (Baxter Travenol) reused dialyzers obtained from the dialysis clinic were used in the present study. The new dialyzers exhibited a relatively flat APD, whereas saline rinsed and reused dialyzers showed considerable amount of decay. C-DAH dialyzers had a larger APD(11.70