• Koreanishche Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft
• /
• v.7
• /
• pp.193-213
• /
• 2003

In dieser Arbeit wird der Versuch unternommen, die Rede Hitlers vom 10.12.1940 zu analysieren. Diese Rede $geh\"{o}rt$ zur politischen Rede. In dieser Rede gibt es verschiedene Funktionen. Sie dient der Erzeugung und Zusammenfassung von Massen im Vereinigungsakt, weiterhin der Verschleierung der realen $Verh\"{a}ltnisse$. Die dritte Funktion kann man in der Legitimation von Herrschaft sehen. Im ersten Abschnitt wird die inszenatorische Ebene der Rede beschrieben. Die Halle ist durch einige Hakenkreuzfahnen nur wenig $geschm\"{u}ckt$. Dies wirkt eine $N\"{u}chternheit$, die das Publikurn seine gewohnte Umgebung neu erheben $l\"{a}sst$. Die stiliserte Glorie ist geeignet innere Haltung zu provozieren, die Opfer der $verst\"{a}rkten$ Arbeitsbelastungen ertragen lassen sollen. Im Abschnitt zwei wird die Rede nach rhetotischen Kriterien analysiert. Hier handelt es sich um die $f\"{u}nf$ Bearbeitungsphasen der Rede, und zwar, inventio, dispositio, e1ocutio, memoria und pronuntiatio. Die dispositio ist der Gegenstand dieser Arbeit. Nomalerweise gliedert sich dispositio in vier Elemente, $n\"{a}mlich$ Einleitung, Schilderung des Sachverhalts, $Begr\"{u}ndung$ und $Schlu\ss$. Mit dem rhetorischen Aufbau wird eine summarische Darstellung der politischen Absichten und Ziele des Redners gegeben. Die Rede selbst hat deutlichen Appellcharakter. Die $Entr\"{u}ckung$ durch den Appell ist eine der hier $gew\"{a}hlten$ rhetorischen Methode, um die erwiinschte Wirkung bei den Zuhoren zu erzielen. Hitler versuchte, die durch die Aktivierung zwischen ihm und Publikum vorhanden, $unbewu\ss$ten psychischen Potentiale, die durch den Akt der Rede aktiviert werden, zu realisieren.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.163-180
• /
• 2021

Nuclear power has been an attractive energy efficient and to the pressure with the climate change despite of its risks. There are safety, security, and environmental concerns with the nuclear radiation, but the techno-optimism forms the mainstream by experts and the state to be able to control and manage the risks yet occurred. The disastrous Chernobyl and Fukushima nuclear accidents brought about alternative action and thought including renewable energy expansion, efficient energy delivery and use, and enhancing stewardship to environmental carrying capacity. More significant alternative movement is sought by victims of nuclear radiation, technicians, and the general public who realized the pitfalls of expert and state centered policy formation. These laypersons become counter-expertise competent in recognizing local contamination and considering the risks and emotions seriously affecting peoples' everyday lives. They play important roles in the construction and legitimation of alternative knowledge about nuclear power widely realized across regions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.29-61
• /
• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.42 no.5
• /
• pp.691-709
• /
• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
• /
• v.12 no.3
• /
• pp.65-74
• /
• 2017

There have been questions how entrepreneurs think, act and why individuals become entrepreneurs. The trait-based explanation of entrepreneurial activities has been main stream. However, the trait-based theory has been criticized because it assumes that entrepreneurial traits are inherited, stable and enduring over time. This research accepts the cognitive theory to see how entrepreneurs learn or accept others' values, how entrepreneurial perceptions of opportunity impact entrepreneurial actions and how individuals acquire the social legitimation of the formation of entrepreneurial activities. In order to capture the attitudes, activities and motivations of people who are involved in entrepreneurial activities, the author uses the GEM Korea 2016 data. The data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor(GEM) has been well known for the data to capture individuals early-stage entrepreneurial activities. This paper used the sample from the APS(Adult Population Survey) of the GEM which was completed by a representative sample of two thousand adults in Korea by the qualified survey vendor, with strict procedures and oversight by the GEM central data team. The hypotheses are tested with logit regression analysis to estimate the probability of the influence of perceptual variables such as individual perception in social learning, the opportunity recognition in the environment, and social legitimation in the entrepreneurial activities. Based on the results, individuals tend to have high entrepreneurial activities if individuals have high self-efficacy. Also, the existence of role models around the entrepreneurs encourages the individuals involve in entrepreneurial activities more however the perception of opportunity in the environment is not strongly associated with entrepreneurial activities. The media exposure of successful entrepreneurs is more important than others' perception of entrepreneurs on the desirable career option or respect from communities. This paper can contribute to the cognitive processes, particular perception about oneself, as well as perception which is impacted by a community or a society.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.20 no.1
• /
• pp.49-69
• /
• 2014

The theory of creative city can be seen as one that reflects a relationship between recent change of economic environment and socio-spatial reconstruction in the so-called 'cultural turn' to deindustrialization. This paper considers approaching methods to knowledge-based economy or cultural economy as a context of development of theory of creative city, and suggests types of conceptualization of creative city. Then it reviews creative perspectives which can be found in recent domestic and oversea research trends on creative city, especially relating its nature with neoliberalism. Finally this paper discusses critically the concept of creative class as a social constitution of creativity or creative economy, and that of creative city as its spatial constitution. The concept of creative class can be criticized in terms of ambiguity of the concept of class, class-biased and economy-privileged idea, market valorization of culture, individualization against community, normalization of flexible labor market, and uncertainty of economic success of creative city. The concept of creative city can be criticized in terms of limitation of interests to city, ignorance of national and global dimensions, decontextual normative vision, legitimation of neoliberal city, lack of proof of causality between creative class and economic success, polarization of within and between cities.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.187-219
• /
• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.29 no.3
• /
• pp.281-296
• /
• 1994

It is generally accepted that there is always a potential for crisis in the capitalist society because of the internal contradiction of capitalism. The contradiction is explicitly and implicitly expressed in space. The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, however, is controlled and mediated by the state (i.e., the capitalist state). We thus could argue that the state plays an important role in the capitalist society and in the capitalist spatial formation. It is necessary to note how and why spatial structure has developed unevenly in capitalist societies, particularly in the U.S., The general concept of uneven geographical development is understood in the context of the capitalist economic system and the role of the state. But the problem is that the capitalist state itself has a contradiction between the productive function (i.e., accumulation function) and the reproductive function (i.e., legitimation function). The compromise of the two functions is always the dilemma of the state and the state becomes the object of class struggle (e.g., political class struggle) . The research questions are as follows. First, what is the role of the state in the economic structure and what is the internal problem of the state\ulcorner Second, what is the role of the state in space economy (or in spatial structure)\ulcorner And last, what is the relation between the federal state and the local state in the U.S. and how does the relation form the urban policies and thus the urban and regional development\ulcorner The paper will be looking at how the political economy in the U.S. explains unevenly developed geographical phenomenon.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.14 no.1
• /
• pp.345-376
• /
• 2004

Die staatliche Gerichtsbarkeit und die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit haben es gemeinsam, dass sie eine Institution der Entscheidung von priyatrechtlichen Streitigkeiten sind und dass ihre Entscheidungen auf ein rechtmaessiges Verfahren beruhen muessen. Auf der anderen Seite aber unterscheiden sick die beiden Institutionen wesentlich dadurch, dass die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit auf einer rechtsgesch$\"{a}$ftlichen Parteihandlung, n$\"{a}$imlich einer Schiedsvereinbarung beruht, w$\"{a}$hrend das Prozessvefahren vol den staatllchen Gerichten seine Legitimation in der Staatshoheit hat. Wegen der vertraglichen Basis der Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit k$\"{o}$nnen die Parteien in der Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit $\"{u}$ber das Verfahren verf$\"{u}$gen, und beim Fehlen der Parteivereinbarung f$\"{u}$hrt das Schiedsgericht nach freiem Ermessen das Verfahren durch. Damit das Schiedsvefahren nicht zu einem quasi-Konventionalprozess wird und die Garantie der rechtsstaatlichen Prinzipien nicht ausser acht gelassen wird und ein geordnetes Schiedsverfahren zu gewahrleisten ist, braucht das Schiedsgericht einen Massstab seines Ermessens. Die Regelungen der Zivilprozessordnung sind dabei in erster Lime in Erw$\"{a}$gung zu ziehen, weil sie sick auf die rechtm$\"{a}$ssige Erledigung der Streitigkeiten richten. Die Zivilprozessordnung hat nicht zuletzt einen grossen Einfluss auf das Schiedsverfahren, sei os durch die Ausiibung der Zwangsgewalt des staatlichen Gerichts bei der Beweisaufnahme odor sei es durch das Anerkennungs- und Vollstreckbarerklarungsverfahren des Schiedsspruchs. Obwohl der Zivilprozess md das Schiedsverfahren sich im wesentlichen unterscheiden lassen, sind sie miteinander eng verbunden. Die staatlichen Gerichte haben nicht nor die Pflicht, im Wege der Aufhebungsklage md des YollstreckbarerldErungsverfahrens die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit zu kontrollieren, sondern auch die Aufgabe, bei der Entscheidung des Schiedsgerichts mitzuwirken. Die Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit ist vol allem bei der Beweisaufnahme auf dieMitwirkung des staatlichen Gerichts angewiesen. Das ergibt sich aus dom Gewaltmonopol des Staates. Bei der Mitwirkung des staatlichen Gerichts spielt die Zivilprozessordnung eine entscheidende Rolle, weil das Gericht die Beweisaufnahme nach der Zivilprozessordnung durchzufiihren hat. Fiir die anderung der Zivilprozessordnung im Jahr 2002 muss man daher auch in der Schiedsgrichtsbarkeit Aufrnerksarnkeit zeigen. Vor allem lassen sich die eventuelle, alternative subjektive Klagenhaufung, die Rechtzeitigkeit des Vorbinggens, die St$\"{a}$rkung der Vorbereitung der miindlichen Verhandlung, der Zeugenbeweis md die Vorlegungspflicht der Urkunden sowie die Abanderungslrlage auch auf das Schiedsverfahren anwenden nd damit kann man die EffektivitEt des SchiedsverfEhrens vertiefen und erh$\"{o}$hen.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.29-63
• /
• 2015

This paper attempts to re-read Tennessee William's A Streetcar Named Desire from a non-Aristotelian perspective, particularly focusing on the audience performativity. In Chapter 6 of the Poetics, Aristotle says that tragedy has a final purpose or end (telos) and that is to inspire a catharsis (literally "purification") of pity and fear by means of representation and to give pleasure from experiencing their relief. However, a dramatic theoretician Augusto Boal argues that Aristotelian catharsis is not to get rid of pity and fear through their vehement discharge; rather, the basic function of catharsis is the purging of antisocial elements from the social body and the restoration of order because catharsis occurs when the spectator, terrified by the spectacle of the catastrophe, is purified of his "hamartia" which looks similar to the tragic flaw of the hero in the play. Thus, Boal asserts that Aristotle's coercive system of tragedy manipulates the emotions of the passive spectator. By contrast, in non-Aristotelian aesthetics, tragedy functions not as legitimation for a particular political configuration but as the performance of ethical acts-through which all the participants, including not only the actors but also the audience, communicate more actively about practical problems and actively work in order to make sense of themselves, others, and society. Here, the audience is required to restore and reinforce his/her capacity to think and to act; thus, an unquestioning, passive, indifferent attitude is not allowed. In these contexts, this paper explores how Tennessee William's A Streetcar Named Desire involves the audience in the responsibility for what occurs on the stage, in order to urge the audience's ethical judgements and responsible acts. This paper argues that what this play asks of us is not catharsis, the purging of pity and fear, but empathy toward the other's pain, beyond pity and fear, to carry out our responsibility of sharing in and caring for the other's suffering. That is to say that it will be an ethical way to "re-member" Blanche DuBoi-the iconic Williams victim "dis-membered" by traumatic memories and open wounds and is thus unable to complete her grieving and mourning-as one of us, not as the other. It will be the only way to remember right regarding her tragedy.