• Journal of Life Science
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.395-407
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• 1999

The queens of Korean native bumblebee species, Bombus ignitus were collected from the field in the spring of 1997 and reared under the various temperatures as 15$^{\circ}C$$\pm$1$^{\circ}C$, 2$0^{\circ}C$$\pm$1$^{\circ}C$, $25^{\circ}C$ $\pm$1$^{\circ}C$, 3$0^{\circ}C$$\pm$1$^{\circ}C$, 60%$\pm$5% of relative humidity and 14L : 10D, to investigate their ecological characteristics, as comparing with control(29$^{\circ}C$$\pm$1$^{\circ}C$, 60%$\pm$5% of relative humidity and red light). As a result, eggs were laid by foundation queen at 15$^{\circ}C$, but they didn't hatched out while at 2$0^{\circ}C$ eggs were laid by them and they hatched out. When a foundation queen laid eggs at $25^{\circ}C$ and they all were hatched out and normally grown. Finally they were developed to the normal colony. B. ignitus worker survived for 77days at 2$0^{\circ}C$, about 69days at $25^{\circ}C$, about 68days at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and about 63days at 29$^{\circ}C$(control). The first brood workers emerged in 25-27days from the egg which a foundation queen laid. At the various temperatures, the captive queens stand to lay eggs in about 18days at 15$^{\circ}C$, 15days at 2$0^{\circ}C$, 11days at $25^{\circ}C$, 11days at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and 4days in control. The first worker and the first drone from the egg cell of the collected queens appeared in about 27days and 72days at 2$0^{\circ}C$, 26days and 88days in $25^{\circ}C$, 24days and 65days at 3$0^{\circ}C$, 25days and 71days in control, respectively. In colony foundation, 33% of the collected queen at 2$0^{\circ}C$ and $25^{\circ}C$, 100% of the disposed queen at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and in control, and 67% of them at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and in control both produced new queens in 66days and 88days, respectively. The life span of the colony founded covered fro about 3 months at $25^{\circ}C$, 3$0^{\circ}C$ and in control. At lower temperatures, the life span of queen is shorter; 2 months at 15$^{\circ}C$ and 3 months at 2$0^{\circ}C$, respectively. A colony which normally developed, varied in size with rearing temperatures; about 20heads at 2$0^{\circ}C$, 482heads at $25^{\circ}C$, 330heads at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and 452heads in control. A foundation queen monthly oviposited 1.5egg cells at 15$^{\circ}C$, 3.0egg cells at 2 $0^{\circ}C$, 21.7egg cells at $25^{\circ}C$, 42.3egg cells at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and 47.0egg cells in control. As a colony developed in June and July, egg cells as well as daily average cells increased in number, as compared to those in May and August. Also, in June and July, interval(days) of egg laying is shorter than in May and August. Number of nectar pots during the colony development varied with rearing temperatures; 31pots at $25^{\circ}C$, 39pots at 3$0^{\circ}C$, 23pots in control. The emergence of new queen showed a distinctively different two patterns; early emerging type and late emerging type. Workers are rapidly increased from early in July to early in August at $25^{\circ}C$, but at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and in control, emergence of workers are remarkably increased from the middle of June and last until July. No new queen emerged at 15$^{\circ}C$, 2$0^{\circ}C$ and $25^{\circ}C$. New queens at 3$0^{\circ}C$ and in control emerged between late in June and early in July. Thus emergence of new queen was temperature dependent.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.20-31
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• 2022

Purpose Broad Quantification Calibration(B.Q.C) is the procedure for Quantitative Analysis to measure Standard Uptake Value(SUV) in SPECT/CT scanner. B.Q.C was performed with Tc-99m, I-123, I-131, Lu-177 respectively and then we acquired the phantom images whether the SUVs were measured accurately. Because there is no standard for SUV test in SPECT, we used ACR Esser PET phantom alternatively. The purpose of this study was to lay the groundwork for Quantitative Analysis with various isotopes in SPECT/CT scanner. Materials and Methods Siemens SPECT/CT Symbia Intevo 16 and Intevo Bold were used for this study. The procedure of B.Q.C has two steps; first is point source Sensitivity Cal. and second is Volume Sensitivity Cal. to calculate Volume Sensitivity Factor(VSF) using cylinder phantom. To verify SUV, we acquired the images with ACR Esser PET phantom and then we measured SUV_mean on background and SUV_max on hot vials(25, 16, 12, 8 mm). SPSS was used to analyze the difference in the SUV between Intevo 16 and Intevo Bold by Mann-Whitney test. Results The results of Sensitivity(CPS/MBq) and VSF were in Detector 1, 2 of four isotopes (Intevo 16 D1 sensitivity/D2 sensitivity/VSF and Intevo Bold) 87.7/88.6/1.08, 91.9/91.2/1.07 on Tc-99m, 79.9/81.9/0.98, 89.4/89.4/0.98 on I-123, 124.8/128.9/0.69, 130.9, 126.8/0.71, on I-131, 8.7/8.9/1.02, 9.1/8.9/1.00 on Lu-177 respectively. The results of SUV test with ACR Esser PET phantom were (Intevo 16 BKG SUV_mean/25mm SUV_max/16mm/12mm/8mm and Intevo Bold) 1.03/2.95/2.41/1.96/1.84, 1.03/2.91/2.38/1.87/1.82 on Tc-99m, 0.97/2.91/2.33/1.68/1.45, 1.00/2.80/2.23/1.57/1.32 on I-123, 0.96/1.61/1.13/1.02/0.69, 0.94/1.54/1.08/0.98/ 0.66 on I-131, 1.00/6.34/4.67/2.96/2.28, 1.01/6.21/4.49/2.86/2.21 on Lu-177. And there was no statistically significant difference of SUV between Intevo 16 and Intevo Bold(p>0.05). Conclusion Only Qualitative Analysis was possible with gamma camera in the past. On the other hand, it's possible to acquire not only anatomic localization, 3D tomography but also Quantitative Analysis with SUV measurements in SPECT/CT scanner. We could lay the groundwork for Quantitative Analysis with various isotopes; Tc-99m, I-123, I-131, Lu-177 by carrying out B.Q.C and could verify the SUV measurement with ACR phantom. It needs periodic calibration to maintain for precision of Quantitative evaluation. As a result, we can provide Quantitative Analysis on follow up scan with the SPECT/CT exams and evaluate the therapeutic response in theranosis.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.135-147
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• 2015

Recent underground common utility tunnels are underground facilities for jointly accommodating more than 2 kinds of air-conditioning and heating facilities, vacuum dust collector, information processing cables as well as electricity, telecommunications, waterworks, city gas, sewerage system required when citizens live their daily lives and facilities responsible for the central function of the country but it is difficult to cope with fire accidents quickly and hard to enter into common utility tunnels to extinguish a fire due to toxic gases and smoke generated when various cables are burnt. Thus, in the event of a fire, not only the nerve center of the country is paralyzed such as significant property damage and loss of communication etc. but citizen inconveniences are caused. Therefore, noticing that most fires break out by a short circuit due to electrical works and degradation contact due to combustible cables as the main causes of fires in domestic and foreign common utility tunnels fire cases that have occurred so far, the purpose of this paper is to scientifically analyze the behavior of a fire by producing the model of actual common utility tunnels and reproducing the fire. A fire experiment was conducted in a state that line type fixed temperature detector, fire door, connection deluge set and ventilation equipment are installed in underground common utility tunnels and transmission power distribution cables are coated with fire proof paints in a certain section and heating pipes are fire proof covered. As a result, in the case of Type II, the maximum temperature was measured as $932^{\circ}C$ and line type fixed temperature detector displayed the fire location exactly in the receiver at a constant temperature. And transmission power distribution cables painted with fire proof paints in a certain section, the case of Type III, were found not to be fire resistant and fire proof covered heating pipes to be fire resistant for about 30 minutes. Also, fire simulation was carried out by entering fire load during a real fire test and as a result, the maximum temperature is $943^{\circ}C$, almost identical with $932^{\circ}C$ during a real fire test. Therefore, it is considered that fire behaviour can be predicted by conducting fire simulation only with common utility tunnels fire load and result values of heat release rate, height of the smoke layer, concentration of O2, CO, CO2 etc. obtained by simulation are determined to be applied as the values during a real fire experiment. In the future, it is expected that more reliable information on domestic underground common utility tunnels fire accidents can be provided and it will contribute to construction and maintenance repair effectively and systematically by analyzing and accumulating experimental data on domestic underground common utility tunnels fire accidents built in this study and fire cases continuously every year and complementing laws and regulations and administration manuals etc.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.225-231
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• 2008

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between oral health habits and oral diseases in an attempt to raise awareness of the need for prolonged dental checkup projects and lay the foundation for oral health education and sustained oral health care projects. The subjects in this study were 2,643 workers from 76 workplaces in Siwha Industrial Complex in the city of Ansan, Gyeonggi province, who were at the age of 20 and up. The findings of the study were as follows: 1. Concerning the experience of visiting a dental clinic over the past year, 760 male workers (37.4%) and 237 females (38.9%) visited dental clinics in the past year. By age group, those who were in their 50s (54.0%) visited dental clinics the most, and the workers in their 30s (67.9%) paid a visit the least. The gap between the age groups was statistically significant (p < 0.001). 2. In regard to the time for toothbrushing by age group, the workers in their 20s (64.6%) made up the largest group that brushed their teeth before breakfast, and those who were in their 60s and up constituted the greatest group that did toothbrushing after breakfast. The workers in their 20s brushed their teeth the least, as the rates of the workers of this age group who did toothbrushing after breakfast and dinner respectively stood at 64.0 percent and 54.5 percent. The disparities between the age groups were statistically significant (p < 0.001). 3. As for scaling experience for the past year, 302(46.0%) out of the workers who got their teeth scaled in the past year had periodontal diseases, and 1,600(80.6%) out of those who didn't suffered from periodontal diseases. The gap between them was statistically significant (p < 0.001). 4. Regarding the relationship of subjective oral health state to dental caries among the workers without dental caries, the largest group that numbered 327(54.1%) considered themselves to be in good oral health. In the event of the workers with dental caries, the greatest group that numbered 708(75.5%) found themselves to have one or more carious tooth(teeth). The disparity between them was statistically significant (p < 0.001). 5. As for connections between dietary habits and dental caries, those who had dental caries (2.29) showed a greater preference for snack than the others who hadn't (2.21). The preference for snack made a bigger statistically significant difference to dental caries than the other dietary habits (p < 0.05).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.205-211
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• 2011

This work was carried out to investigate the effect of the induced molting diet based on wheat bran on the postmolt performance of layers. Two hundred White Leghorn layers (65-old-wk) with over 80% egg production were used for 8 weeks in this work. Treatments were non-molt control (CO), fasting treatment for 10 days (FW), molt treatment with used molting diet for 4 wk (UM), molt treatment with molting diet based on corn-wheat bran for 4 wk (CW), and molt treatment with molting diet based on wheat bran for 4 wk (WM) as 5 treatments (4 replications/treatment and 10 birds/replication). Feed intake decreased at molting treatments at first weeks and increased after the 3rd week compared to control (P<0.05). Body weight (BW) loss were 18.6% of initial BW at first week in FW treatment, and were 11.4, 14.2 and 17.4% in UM, CW and WM treatments at 4th weeks (P<0.05). Egg production decreased at 1 week in molt treatment and stopped at 2 week in FW, whereas, other molting treatments didn't stop laying eggs. The birds started to lay egg at 4 week in FW and recovered at 5 week in other molting treatments. Egg quality (eggshell thickness, eggshell breaking strength, haugh unit) was high in molting treatments compared with control at 8th weeks (P<0.05). Finally, molting diet based on wheat bran affected BW loss and egg quality such as eggshell thickness, eggshell breaking strength and haugh unit.

• Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.116-131
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• 1998

This study was undertaken to obtain the menstrual patterns and menstrual discomforts in women university students. For the data collection, self-administered questionnaire survey was made from December 10, 1996 to January 20, 1997 among the 180 women university students in Seoul. The resultant data were processed by SAS program for frequency, proportion, and chi-square test. The results of this study are as follows ; 1) The mean age of the subjects was 20.6 years old. The mean height was 162cm and weight was 52.3Kg. $26.9\%$ of the subjects responded that they had experienced the unbalanced diet, $56\%$ the irregular meal, $39.6\%$intermittent dizziness, and $63.4\%$ the premenstrual syndrome. $53.7\%$ had feeling that skin temperature of their four extremities was 'a little lower than others'. The mean BMI(Body Mass Index) was 19.8, 'normal level' was $41.8\%$. $18.7\%$ responded that their characters were 'introspective ones'. The mean age of menache was 13.8 years old. The subjects responded that the mean number of pads they used per day during menstrual periods was 4.6 sheets. The mean duration of menstruation was 5.4 days, $10.4\%$ responded that their menstrual cycles were 'extremely regular', $44.8\%$ was 'regular', $36.6\%$ was 'a little irregular', and $8.2\%$ was 'extremely irregular'. Out of them who had experienced the dysmenorrhea, $21.3\%$ had family history of dysmenorrhea in connection with their mother and $35.0\%$ in their sisters. The mean of the first time that they experienced dysmenorrhea was 15 years old. $94\%$ of the subjects responded that they had experienced the dysmeorrhea. $47.6\%$ of the subjects responded that they experienced the dysmenorrhea 'monthly' and $52.4\%$ 'intermittently'. $53.0\%$ of them who had experienced dysmenorrhea responded that dysmenorrhea was the severest 'on the first menstrual day' and $22.4\%$ 'on the second day'. $48.8\%$ of them who had experienced dysmenorrhea responded that the most painful region was 'low abdomen'. $40\%$ of them who had experienced dysmenorrhea responded that they used 'analgesics' to soothe dysmenorrhea, $24.8\%$ used nothing, $18.4\%$ lay in their beds or slept, and $12\%$ made their 'low abdomen' warm. $70.3\%$ who had used analgesics because of dysmenorrhea took analgesics 'one or two times per month', $25.7\%$ 'intermittently', and $4.0\%$ more than 3 times per month. The analgesics which they used were 'geworin$(33.8\%)$,' 'penzal$(32.4\%)$', 'tyrenol$(18.9\%)$', and 'aspirin$(4.2\%)$'. $(47.9\%)$ of them who took analgesics because of dysmenorrhea responded that the duration of analgesics effect was '4 to 8 hours'. $15.1\%$ of them who experienced dysmenorrhea responded that they had visited the hospital. 2) The incidence of premenstrual syndrome was no significant difference according to the BMI, unbalanced diet, pattern of meal, skin temperature of four extremites, and characters. 3) The incidence of dysmenorrhea was significant difference according to the BMI, unbalanced diet, pattern of meal, skin temperature of four extremites, and characters. 4) The incidence of analgesics usage was significant difference according to the BMI, subjects with low BMI took more analgesics than those with normal BMI (p<.05). The incidence of analgesics usage was significant difference in accordance with pattern of meal. The women who had a meal regularly took more analgesics than those who had a meal irregularly(p<.05). But the incidence of analgesics usage was no significant difference in accordance with the unbalanced diet, characters, the incidence of dizziness, skin temperature of four extremities, the incidence of premenstrual syndrome.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.61-67
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• 2009

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between the lifestyle of dental consumers and their hospital satisfaction level in an attempt to lay the foundation for successful dental marketing strategy setting. The subjects in this study were 720 medical consumers who visited dental institutions in Jeolla buk-do province. A survey was conducted from October 1 to December 1, 2006, with self-administered questionnaires. The collected data were analyzed with SPSS(Statistical Package for the Social Science) 12.0 program to find out their lifestyle and hospital satisfaction level. Concerning the impact of lifestyle on satisfaction with dental institutions, lifestyle made a difference to the satisfaction level of the hospital users with promptness and economicality(p < 0.001). As to connections between hospital-reuse intention and satisfaction level, those who were willing to reuse the dental institutions they had visited expressed better satisfaction with promptness(p < 0.05). As for links between health-related lifestyle and hospital satisfaction level, health conscious style, health promoting style health unconscious styles had a statistically significantly positive relationship to hospital satisfaction level, which showed a significant relationship between the three lifestyles and hospital satisfaction level. As for factors affecting reuse of dental institutions, it's found that their intention to reuse the same dental institution they had visited was linked to their satisfaction level with it, what made them choose it and their health-related lifestyle. In the future, more precise and in-depth questionnaires should be developed to analyze the health-related lifestyle of medical consumers.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.7-29
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• 2010

The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.1-8
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• 2011

In the late Joseon Dynasty, a bulky volume of books, which had rarely been seen, poured out including "Imwongyeongjeji", "Japdongsani", "Songnamjapsik" and "Ohjuyeonmunjaangjeonsango". such sorts of books have a characteristic that an author collected various pieces of information, which were scatter away at that time, in one's own way and compiled them into a book rather than an author's own remarks or ideas. Most authors of such books were known to have made not a few book beside bulky books. Such a trend of the times doubled its revitalization with the influx of that books in a series that were popular especially in the period of Ming State & Ching State in China. The research work on such a trend once showed not a little progress by a few faithful researchers even under the circumstances where they were overwhelmed by the bulkiness of a book in a series itself and its target volume. However, in spite of not a little fruition of such studies, there has been no comments at all on the new factors of change faced by Oriental medicine in the climate of the intellect history in the late Joseon Dynasty. Thus, this study aimed at looking at the significance of medical-history-based studies on this matter on the basis of Park, Jiwon's "Keumryosocho", and Lee, Deokmu's "Iemokgushimseo", and suggesting the further task. The conclusions obtained from the analysis of "Keumryosocho" and "Iemokgusimseo" are as follows: 1.The prescriptions cited from the sorts of writings excluded entirely the medical theories on the principles of prescription, and they are composed of a single-medicine prescription or so, which made it easier even for those who lacked a special knowledge of medicine to use it; in addition, it was easy to get medicinal ingredients in most cases. It's presumed that such a composition of medicinal ingredients had a close relation with the difficulty in the supply of medicinal ingredients, which issue became a serious issue in the late Joseon Dynasty. 2. The prescriptions originating from the sorts of writings sometimes are mixed with the ones whose medical efficiency are doubted. This means the inherence of obstacles to delivering accurate medical knowledge couldn't be avoided because the initial purpose of such sorts of writings lay in popularity than practicality. 3. In spite of such problems, the prescriptions originating from writings seems to have not a few influences on the intellectuals in the late Joseon Dynasty, and it's possible for us to take a glance on the traces of their use of these prescriptions in an actual daily life. This fact is fully confirmed by the contents in the preface of "Keumryosocho" that Park-jiwon personally tried to write a prescription. Moreover, such facts can be also confirmed from the fact that the writings of China or our country are seen quite often among the writings which were incited by Seo, Yugu's "Injeji." Like this, the fact that the information of orthodox medicine and the one originating from general books other than medicine books were integrated at one place is plainly showing a phase of the intellect history in the late Joseon Dynasty deluged with information; because of such a characteristic, we can say that Oriental medicine became plentiful in the aspect of diversity with its expansion of denotation, but Oriental medicine could not but additionally assume the problem of having to distinguish good from bad in the midst of such a situation.