• Title/Summary/Keyword: Land Ownership

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The Development of Process for Transforming Cadastral Map to Be Referred to KGD2002 (지적도면의 세계측지계 변환을 위한 프로세스 개발)

  • Hwang, Jin-Sang;Yun, Hong-Sic;Song, Dong-Seob;Kang, Ji-Hun
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society of Surveying, Geodesy, Photogrammetry, and Cartography Conference
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    • 2007.04a
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    • pp.439-442
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    • 2007
  • This study is on the development of optimal method for transforming cadastral map to be referred to KGD2002. The method was developed by referring to the method used at transforming Korean National Digital Topographic Map to be referred to KGD2002 and analysing the records about making cadastral map. We tested the method by transforming the cadastral maps of three sample sites and analysing the accuracy of transformed maps. It was proved that the method could be used at transforming cadastral map to be referred to KGD2002 for the propose of being related to National Digital Topographic Map, National GIS data, and so on. We also introduce the longitudinal process for transforming national cadastral maps to be used as a data to verify land ownership.

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MIXED-USE PROJECT DEVELOPMENT PROCESS: FEATURES, PITFALLS AND COMPARISONS WITH SINGLE-USE PROJECTS

  • Charles Y.J. Cheah;Kok Sang Tan
    • International conference on construction engineering and project management
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    • 2005.10a
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    • pp.335-340
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    • 2005
  • In many urban cities, mixed-use development is becoming increasingly essential for the creation of an attractive and sustainable environment that promotes economic vitality, social equity and environmental quality. Due to the differences in scale, scope and intent, certain aspects within the project delivery process of mixed-use are not the same as "conventional" single-use projects. The objective of this paper is to highlight these aspects. Two cases in Southeast Asia serve to illustrate the uniqueness and challenges of mixed-use. In conclusion, the differences between mixed-use and single-use are evident in terms of the diversity of team members, the necessity of multiple market analyses, and a multi-layer (versus single-source) financing structure. Finally, issues concerning ownership tangles, land assembly, planning and application procedures, investment criteria of institutions have been identified as major pitfalls.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Implementation of the Urban Development Projects in Ulaanbaatar (도시개발 여건을 고려한 울란바타르 건설사업 참여방안)

  • Jeong, Yeun-Woo;Seong, Jang-Hwan
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.3 no.4
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    • pp.357-367
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    • 2012
  • The efficient business scheme were suggested with the consideration of the local development condition at Ulaanbaatar. Major findings of the study were presented as follows. First, high level of education and the underground resources are presented as the merits of Mongolia. On the other side, the defects are limited domestic demands of 2.6 millions of population and the insufficiency of the infrastructure. The improvement of the infrastructures like roads, water & sewage, electric power, and heating is urgent while the development pressure of Ulaanbaatar is expected to be high due to the continuous inflow of population. Secondly, the Mongolian land system consists of the right of ownership, lease and use, therefore there are some differences among the right of land. Thirdly, definite business scheme to sell land in lots and to sell buildings in lots are suggested which are actual methods to participate in the development project in Ulaanbaatar. Moreover, enhancing the possibility to sell the lands, fixing the proper sale price to secure the profit, finding the proper buyer for the profitable lands, investing of quota and guaranteeing of granting the principal and interest by the Mongolian government, etc. are presented as consideration when participate in projects.

Problems and Improvement Measures for the transformation of World Geodetic System (지적공부의 세계측지계 변환에 따른 문제점 및 개선방안)

  • Kim, Geun-Bae;Jeong, Gu-Ha;Jeon, Jeong-Bae
    • Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.123-134
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    • 2019
  • The introduction of the world geodetic reference system in cadastral sector can apply the international standardization of cadastral survey and can be the basis for the creation of new industries by merging with other industries based on spatial information. With the introduction of the world geodetic reference system, non-coincidence land may cause problems which are whether the cadastral record and the real estate register are not consistent, etc. This problem infringes on the protection of ownership of citizens suggested in the main purpose of 「Act On The Establishment, Management, Etc. Of Spatial Data」. We have analyzed at overlapping cases between private land and overlapping cases between national and public land and suggested institutional improvement measures to solve problems arising on the site. As a result, it will be necessary to introduce a transformation verification measure by the world geodetic reference system in order to assign a function as a cadastral records to mapping converted to the world geodetic reference system. It is also expected that the legal and institutional basis should be established for alert adjustment and positioning through verification measures. Finally, it is difficult to determine the transformation factor as the co-ordinates of common points also differ because survey results vary by work area. Therefore, it is deemed necessary to consider the requirement to use the cadastral measurement basis by the world geodetic reference system in 2021.

Livestock Production under Coconut Plantations in Sri Lanka: 1. Social, Cultural and Economic Aspects of Buffalo Production

  • Jayatileka, T.N.;Weerakkody, P.R.;Ibrahim, M.N.M.
    • Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences
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    • v.11 no.5
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    • pp.586-596
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    • 1998
  • The relevance and importance of buffalo production under coconut plantations in the North Westen Province of Sri Lanka was studied in three districts (Bingiriya, Pannala, Kuliyapitiya). The objective of the study was to collect baseline information on socioeconomic and cultural aspects of buffalo production, with a view to promote and disseminate new technologies. The survey technique used consisted of a formal survey using a structured questionnaire (71 households) and rapid appraisal (55 households). The results indicate the existence of a wide stratification of dariy farmers which ranged from skilled dairy operators with high levels of production and management of efficiency to marginal subsistence farmers with low levels of productivity. The most frequent family size of households ranged from 4-5 members (58%), and the average family size was 4.7. The actual average land ownership accounts to 2.4 ha of upland and 0.5 ha of lowland, but when their accessibility to common property resources are taken into account, the land availability was assessed at 13 ha and 0.7 ha of upland and lowland, respectively. The highest average monthly income (Rs. 13,590) was received by farmers with off-farm employment (primary) who are also engaged in livestock production (secondary), and livestock contributed 43% of the total income. Livestock farmers who practised integrated crop farming as a secondary source of income received a monthly income of Rs. 10,843, and those involved in crop production as the primary source received the lowest average income (Rs. 7,295). The survey revealed a high investment cost on concentrate feeds (47%) for milk production. However some farmers obtained higher milk yields (11 litres/cow/day) at lower ration costs, and this could be attributed to the entrepreneurship skills and management efficiency. The study area had a well developed market infrastructure for fresh milk, principally due to the existence of the Nestle's company and the Coconut Triangle Milk Union. On an average the producer collected Rs. 10 per litre of milk marketed.

The Issues and Problems of Housing Improvement Policies (주택개보수 정책의 현안과 과제)

  • Moon, Hyo-Gon
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.113-119
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    • 2016
  • The maintenance and improvement of housing become more important than quantitative supply. So this paper suggests the directions to solve the current issues of housing improvement policies. In 2015, the housing improvement for the low-income has been expanded with the revision of housing benefit policy. And each related government departments are steadily carrying out various housing improvement programs. Under the current improvement policies, individual houses are being repaired according to the criteria of the target selection. And the repair allowance of the housing benefit is limited to the ownership households except the rented. Hereafter, it has to considered the review of the detailed goal setting and application problems in housing improvement policy and to consider the extension to the rented households and the raise of the income criteria of targets. Also, it needs to carry out the improvement of several neighboring houses at the same time for synergy effect other than individual house, to change the selection way of repair contractors and to secure the quality and advancement of the improvement.

A Study on the Recent Trends of GIS and Digital Data in JAPAN (일본의 GIS 및 수치정보 구축에 대한 연혁적 고찰에 관한 연구)

  • 최봉문
    • Spatial Information Research
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.153-168
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    • 1998
  • The history of GIS in Japan have been started from the Mesh-data at 1969 and the UIS (Urban Information System) at the early 1970's, and recently we can find the tenn of GIS in many fields and places in Japan. Specially after the Earthquake disaster of Kobe, the importance of the Emergency Management System and the Spatial Data Framework have been growing quickly and the studies and projects of GIS have been increased more and more. I hope that the study about the history and the recent situation of GIS in Japan can show the right way for many GIS projects in our country and so we can be escaped from the amusement of time and money, because the land Regulation System and the Concept of Land Ownership of Japan are very similar to those of Korea. For that purpose, first, I try to trace the history and the present situation of GIS, UIS, FM/AM and Spatial Database Framework in Japan, second, to identify the advantages and disadvantages and problems of Japanese system and finally to suggest more propper way for the GIS projects in Korea.

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Applications of Digital Orthophoto in Cadastre (지적분야에서의 수치정사사진 활용방안에 관한 연구)

  • 박병욱;김상수;최윤수;차영수
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Surveying, Geodesy, Photogrammetry and Cartography
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    • v.17 no.3
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    • pp.233-243
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    • 1999
  • In this study, sample sites are chosen where digitalized cadastral maps are available, and boundaries of forestry, farming lands, and residence are clearly distinguishable. Digital orthophotos, produced from aerial photographs, are overlaid with digitalized cadastral maps to grope for applications of digital orthophoto in cadastre. The conclusions and applicable fields of this study are as follows. The first. digital orthophoto is applicable to solve problems such as discordance and duplication of boundary produced in the process of digitizing cadastral maps. The second, using digital orthophoto, it is possible to extract regions where a trouble of ownership would exist and so the necessity of cadastral resurveying can be brought. The third, by overlaying digital orthophoto and cadastral map, it can be used effectively for the present situation maintenance of buildings. The fourth, because it is possible to examine current land use of each lot, digital orthophoto may contribute to decide the validity of land category on cadastral map.

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A Study on the Cadastral Characteristics of Dokdo-ri (독도리의 지적 특성 연구)

  • Lee, Beom-Gwan
    • Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.5-21
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate and analyze the cadastral transformation process of Dokdo-ri based on the institutional concept of the cadastre, while presenting the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri therefrom. For this purpose, both the literature search method and the Internet search method were used. As for the analysis method, descriptive analysis method and comparative analysis method were used. The findings support that the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri is drawn as follows: First, from the physical point of view, the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri shows that the territory is given by the smallest lot numbers in the country and that the territory is also given by the land lot number consisting of small size lots without continuing the ground for which the cadastral resurvey project was carried out for the first time. Second, in terms of the rights, the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri shows that the entire area given by the lots is owned by a single owner and no ownership has been changed. Third, in terms of its value, the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri shows that it is the only area given by the lots of which the officially assessed individual land price has never been decreased in the entire lots. Fourth, when it comes to presenting the cadastral characteristics of Dokdo-ri in terms of the use control/restriction, the consciousness of preserving Dokdo-ri and the consciousness of enhancing real territory are confronted but due to the Cultural Heritage Protection Act etc, the cadastre turned out to be a very passive cadastral work.