• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.149-158
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• 2022

This study aimed to investigate pesticide residues in 160 stalk and stem vegetables marketed in Northern Gyeonggi-do. The QuEChERS method using GC-MS/MS and LC-MS/MS was employed to analyze the residues of 341 pesticides in the samples. The maximum or lower than the residue limit was recorded in 75 samples (46.9%), while 4 samples (2.5%) exceeded the maximum residue limit (MRL). Thirty-nine kinds of residual pesticides were detected including fungicides (14), insecticides (22), herbicides (2), and plant growth regulator (1). Carbendazim and pendimethalin were the most frequelntly detected pesticides. Fenitrothion, procymidone, and diazinon exceeded MRL in garlic chives, and Welsh onion. This indicated that these vegetables along with water celery should be constantly monitored.

• Korean Journal of Forensic Psychology
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.135-153
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• 2020

Identifiable victim effect refers to the tendency of greater sympathy and helping behavior to identifiable victims than to abstract, unidentifiable ones. This research tested whether this tendency also affects third-party's punishment and compensation judgments in jury context for public's legal judgments. In addition, through the Identifiable victim effect in such legal judgment, we intended to explain the effect of 'the bill named for victim', putting the victim's real name and identity at the forefront, which is aimed at strengthening the punishment of related crimes by gaining public attention and support. To do so, we conducted experiments with hypothetical traffic accident scenarios that controlled legal components while manipulating victim's identifying information. In experiment 1, each participant read a scenario of an anonymous victim (unidentifiable condition) or a nonanonymous victim that included personal information such as name and age (identifiable condition) and made judgments on the degree of punishment and compensation. The results showed no effect of identifiability on third-party's punishment and compensation judgments, but moderation effect of BJW was obtained in the identifiable condition. That is, those with higher BJW showed greater tendency of punishment and compensation for identifiable victims. In Experiment 2, we compared an anonymous victim (unidentifiable condition) against a well-conducted victim (positive condition) and ill-conducted victim (negative condition) to test the effects of victim's characteristics on punishment for offender and compensation for victims. The results showed lower compensation for an ill-conducted victim than for an anonymous one. In addition, across all conditions except for negative condition, participants made punishment and compensation judgments higher than the average judicial precedents of 10-point presented in the rating scale. This research showed that victim's characteristics other than legal components affects third-party's legal decision making. Furthermore, we interpreted third-party's tendency to impose higher punishment and compensation with effect of 'the bill named for victim' and proposed social and legal discussion for and future research.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.513-545
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. It can reach at the joints or muscles or whole body and make pains. Numbness and movement disorders. BiJeung can be devided into SilBi and HeoBi. In SilBi there are PungHanSeupBi, YeolBi and WanBi. In HeoBi, there are GiHyeolHeoBi, EumHeoBi and YangHeoBi. The common principle for the treatment of BiJeung is devision of the chronic stage and the acute stage. In the acute stage, BiJeung is usually cured easily but in the chronic stage, it is difficult. In the terminal stage, BiJeung can reach at the internal organs. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. BanSuMun(斑秀文) thought that BiJeung can be cured by blocking of blood stream. So he insisted that the important thing to cure BiJeung is to improve the blood stream. He usually used DangGuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯), DangGuiJakYakSanHapORyeongSan, DoHong-SaMulTang(桃紅四物湯), SaMyoSanHapHeuiDongTang and HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 2. JangGeonBu(張健夫) focused on soothing muscles and improving blood seam. So he used many herbs like WiRyeongSeon(威靈仙), GangHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活), WooSeul(牛膝), etc. Especially he pasted wastes of the boiled herbs. 3. OSeongNong(吳聖農) introduced four rules to treat arthritis. So he usually used SeoGak-SanGaGam(犀角散加減), BoYanHwanOTang(補陽還五湯), ODuTang(烏頭湯), HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 4. GongJiSin thought disk hernia as one kind of BiJeung. And he said that Pung can hurt upper limbs and Seup can hurt lower limbs. He used to use GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯). 5. LoJiJeong(路志正) introduced four principles to treat BiJeung. He used BangPungTang(防風湯), DaeJinGuTang) for PungBi(風痺), OPaeTang(烏貝湯) for HanBi(寒痺), YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for SeupBi(濕痺) and SaMyoTang(四妙湯), SeonBiTang(宣痺湯), BaekHoGaGyeTang(白虎加桂湯) for YeolBi(熱痺). 6. GangChunHwa(姜春華) discussed herbs. He said SaengJiHwang(生地黃) is effective for PungSeupBi and WiRyungSun(威靈仙) is effective for the joints pain. He usually used SipJeonDaeBoTang(十全大補湯), DangGuiDaeBoTang(當歸大補湯), YoukGunJaTang(六君子湯) and YukMiJiHwanTang(六味地黃湯). 7. DongGeonHwa(董建華) said that the most important thing to treat BiJeung is how to use herbs. He usually used CheonO(川烏), MaHwang(麻黃) for HanBi, SeoGak(犀角) for YeolBi, BiHae) or JamSa(蠶沙) for SeupBi, SukJiHwang(熟地黃) or Vertebrae of Pigs for improving the function of kidney and liver, deer horn or DuChung(杜沖) for improving strength of body and HwangGi(黃?) or OGaPi(五加皮) for improving the function of heart. 8. YiSuSan(李壽山) devided BiJeung into two types(PungHanSeupBi, PungYeolSeupBi). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for the treatment of gout. And he liked to use HwanGiGyeJiOMulTangHapSinGiHwan 枝五物湯合腎氣丸) for the treat ment of WanBi(頑痺). 9. AnDukHyeong(顔德馨) made YongMaJeongTongDan(龍馬定痛丹)-(MaJeonJa(馬錢子) 30g, JiJaChung 3g, JiRyong(地龍) 3g, JeonGal(全蝎) 3g, JuSa(朱砂) 0.3g) 10. JangBaekYou(張伯臾) devided BiJeung into YeolBi and HanBi. And he focused on improving blood stream. 11. JinMuO(陳茂梧) introduced anti-wind and dampness prescription(HoJangGeun(虎杖根) 15g, CheonChoGeun 15g, SangGiSaeng(桑寄生) 15g, JamSa(蠶絲) 15g, JeMaJeonJa(制馬錢子) 3g). 12. YiChongBo(李總甫) explained basic prescriptions to treat BiJeung. He used SinJeongChuBiEum(新定推痺陰) for HaengBi(行痺), SinJeongHwaBiSan(新定化痺散) for TongBi(痛痺), SinJeongGaeBiTang(新定開痺湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinJeongCheongBiEum(新定淸痺飮) for SeupYeolBi(濕熱痺), SinRyeokTang(腎瀝湯) for PoBi(胞痺), ORyeongSan for BuBi(腑痺), OBiTang(五痺湯) for JangBi(臟痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯) for SingChakByeong(腎着病). 13. HwangJeonGeuk(黃傳克) used SaMu1SaDeungHapJe(四物四藤合制) for the treatment of a acute arthritis, PalJinHpPalDeungTang(八珍合八藤湯) or BuGyeJiHwangTangHapTaDeungTang(附桂地黃湯合四藤湯) for the chronic stage and ByeolGapJeungAekTongRakEum(鱉甲增液通絡飮) for EumHeo(陰虛) 14. GaYeo(柯與參) used HwalRakJiTongTang(活絡止痛湯) for shoulder ache, SoJongJinTongHwalRakTank(消腫鎭痛活絡湯) for YeolBi(熱痺), LiGwanJeolTang(利關節湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinBiTang(腎痺湯) for SinBi(腎痺) and SamGyoBoSinHwan(三膠補腎丸) for back ache. 15. JangGilJin(蔣길塵) liked to use hot-character herbs and insects. And he used SeoGeunLipAnTang(舒筋立安湯) as basic prescription. 16. RyuJangGeol(留章杰) used GuMiGangHwalTang(九味羌活湯) and BangPungTang(防風湯) at the acute stage, ODuTang(烏頭湯) or GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for HanBi of internal organs, YangHwaHaeEungTang(陽和解凝湯) for HanBi, DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯), EuiYiInTang(薏苡仁湯) for SeupBi, YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for GiHeoBi(氣虛痺) and SeongYouTang(聖兪湯) for HyeolHeoBi(血虛痺). 17. YangYuHak(楊有鶴) liked to use SoGyeongHwalHyelTang(疏經活血湯) and he would rather use DoIn(桃仁), HongHwa(紅花), DangGui(當歸), CheonGung(川芎) than insects. 18. SaHongDo(史鴻濤) made RyuPungSeupTang(類風濕湯)-((HwangGi 200g, JinGu 20g, BangGi(防己) 15g, HongHwa(紅花) 15g, DoIn(桃仁) 15g, CheongPungDeung(靑風藤) 20g, JiRyong(地龍) 15g, GyeJi(桂枝) 15g, WoSeul(牛膝) 15g, CheonSanGap(穿山甲) 15g, BaekJi(白芷) 15g, BaekSeonPi(白鮮皮) 15g, GamCho(甘草) 15g).

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.595-646
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

• The Korean Journal of Pesticide Science
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.545-572
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• 2011

The genetic diagnosis methods by RT-PCR and Virion capture (VC)/RT-PCR against Rice stripe virus (RSV) were developed. Three diagnosis methods of seedling test, ELISA and RT-PCR were compared in virus detection sensitivity (VDS) for RSV. The VDS of ELISA for RSV viruliferous small brown plant hopper (SBPH) was higher with 40.5% than that of seedling test. The VDS of RT-PCR was higher with 21% than that of ELISA. The VDS of ELISA and VC/RT-PCR was same with 9.2% in average on the SBPH collected from fields at the areas of Gimpo, Pyungtaeg and Sihueng, Gyeonggi province in 2009. The specific primers of RSV for SBPH and rice plant were developed for the diagnosis by Real time PCR. The RQ value of Real time PCR for the viruliferous and non viruliferous SBPH was 1 for 50 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, 96.5 for 50 heads of viruliferous SBPH, 23.1 for 10 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 40 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, and 75.6 for 30 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 20 heads of non viruliferous SBPH. The RQ value was increased positively by the ratio of viruliferous SBPH. Full sequences of 4 genomes of RSV RNA1, RNA2, RNA3 and RNA4 were analysed for the 13 RSV isolates from rice plants collected from different areas. Genetic relationships among the RSV isolates of Korea, Japan and China were classified as China + Korea, and China + Korea + Japan by phylogenetic analysis for RSV RNA1 and RNA2. In case of RNA3 involved in pathogenicity, genetic relationship of RSV among the three countries was grouped into 3 as China, China + Korea, and Korea + Japan. According to the genetic relationships in RSV RNA4, RSV isolates were grouped into 4 as China, Korea, China + Korea + Japan, and Korea + Japan. Viruliferous insect rate (VIR) of RSV in average increased in each year from 2008 to 2010, and the rates were 4.3%, 6.1%, and 7.2%, respectively, at the 28 major rice production areas in 7 provinces including Gyeonggido. The highest VIR in each year was 11.3% of Gyeonggido in 2008, 20.1% of Jellanamdo in 2009 and 14.2% of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. The highest VIR depending upon the investigated areas was 22.1% at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008, 36% at Wando and Jindo of Jellanamdo in 2009, and 30.0% at Boeun of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. Average population density (APD) of overwintered SBPH was 13.1 heads in 2008, 13.9 heads in 2009 and 5.6 heads in 2010. The highest APD was 39.1 and 60.4 heads at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008 and 2009, respectively, and 14.0 heads at Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. The acreage of RSV occurred fields was 869 ha in the western and southern parts, mainly at Jindo and Wando areas, of Jellanamdo in 2008. In 2009, RSV occurred in the acreage of 21,541 ha covered whole country, especially, partial and whole plant death were occurred with infection rate of 55.2% at 3,025 plots in 53 Li, 39 Eup/Myun, 19 Si/Gun of Gyeonggido, Incheonsi, Chungcheongnamdo, Jeollabukdo and Jeollanamdo. Seasonal development of overwintered SBPH was investigated at Buan, Jeollabukdo, and Jindo, Jeollanamdo for 3 years from 2008. Most SBPH developed to the 3rd and 4th instar on the periods of May 20 to June 10, and they developed to the adult stage for the 1st generation on Mid and Late June. In 2009, all SBPH trapped by sky net trap were adult on May 31 to June 1 at Mid-western aeas of Taean, Seosan and Buan, and South-western areas of Sinan and Jindo. The population density of adult SBPH was 963 heads at Taean, 919 at Seocheon and 819 at Sinan area. The origin of these higher population of adult SBPH were verified from the population of non-overwintered SBPH but immigrant SBPH. From Mid May to Mid June in 2010, adult SBPH could not be counted as immigrant insects by sky net trap. The variation of RSV VIR was high with 2.1% to 9.5% for immigrant adult SBPH trapped by sky net trap at Hongsung of Chungcheongbukdo, Buan of Jeollabukdo and so forth in 2009. The highest VIR for the immigrant adult SBPH was 9.5% at Boryung of Chungcheongnamdo, followed by 7.9% at Hongsung of Chungcheongnamdo, 6.5% at Younggwang of Jeollanamdo, and 6.4% at Taean of Cheongcheongnamdo. The infection rate of RSV on rice plants induced by the immigrant adult SBPH cultivated near sky net trap after about 10 days from immigration on June 12 in 2009 was 84.6% at Taean, 65.4% at Buan and 92.9% at Jindo, and 81% in average through genetic diagnosis of RT-PCR. Barley known as a overwintering host plant of RSV had very low infection rate of 0.2% from 530 specimens collected at 10 areas covering whole country including Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. Twenty nine plant species were newly recorded as natural hosts of RSV. In winter annual plant species, 11 plants including Vulpia myuros showed RSV infection rate of 24.9%. The plant species in summer annual ecotype were 13 including Digitaria ciliaris with 44.9%, Echinochloa crusgalli var. echinata with 95.2% and Setaria faberi with 65.5% in infection rate of RSV. Five perennial plants including Miscanths sacchariflorus with infection rate of 33.3% were recorded as hosts of RSV. Rice cultivars, 8 susceptible cultivars including Donggin1 and 17 resistant ones including Samgwang, were screened in field conditions at 3 different areas of Buan, Iksan and Ginje in 2009. All the susceptible cultivars were showed typical symptom of mosaic and wilt. In 17 genetic resistant cultivar, 12 cultivars were susceptible, however, 5 cultivars were field-resistant plus genetic resistant to RSV as non symptom expression. When RSV was artificially inoculated at seedling stage to 4 cultivars known as genetic resistant and 3 cultivars known as genetic susceptible, the symptom expression in resistant cultivars was lower as 19.3% in average than that of 53.3% in susceptible ones. In comparison of symptom expression rate and viral infection rate using resistant Nampyung and susceptible Heugnam cultivars by artificial inoculation of RSV at seedling stage, the symptom expression of Heugnam was higher as 28% than 12% of Nampyung. However, virion infection of resistant Nampyung cultivar was higher as 12% reversely than 85% of susceptible Heugnam. Yield loss of rice was investigated by the artificial inoculation of RSV at the seedling stage of resistant cultivars of Nampyung and Onnuri, and susceptible cultivars of Donggin1 and Ungwang for 3 years from 2008. The average yield per plant was 7.8 g, 8.5 g and 13.8 g on rice plants inoculated at seedling stage, tillering stage and maximum tillering stage, respectively. The yield loss rate was increased by earlier infection of RSV with 51% at seedling stage, 46% at tillering stage and 13% at maximum tillering stage. In resistant rice cultivars, there was no statistically significant relation between infection time and yield loss. In natural fields on susceptible rice cultivar of Ungwang at Taean and Jindo areas in 2009, the yield loss rate was increased with same tendency to the infection hill rate having the corelation coefficient of 0.94 when the viral infection was over 23.4%.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.117-124
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• 1975

Wet chemical analysis (for $MnO_2$, MnO, and $H_2O$(+)) and electron microprobe analysis (for $Fe_2O_3$ and PbO) give $MnO_2$ 74.91, MnO 11.33, $Fe_2O_3$ (total Fe) 4.19, PbO 0.03, $H_2O$ (+) 9.46, sum 99.92%. 'Available oxygen determined by oxalate titration method is allotted to $MnO_2$ from total Mn, and the remaining Mn is calculated as MnO. Traces of Ba, Ca, Mg, K, Cu, Zn, and Al were found. Li and Na were not found. The existence of (OH) is verified from the infrared absorption spectra. The analysis corresponds to the formula $Mn^{4+}{_{4.85}}(Mn^{2+}{_{0.90}}Fe^{3+}{_{0.30}})_{1.20}O_{8.09}(OH)_{5.91}$, on the basis of O=14, 'or ideally $Mn^{4+}{_{5-x}}(Mn^{2+},Fe^{3+})_{1+x}O_{8}(OH)_{6}$ ($x{\approx}0.2$). X-ray single crystal study could not be made because of the distortion of single crystals. But the x-ray powder pattern is satisfactorily indexed by an orthorhombic cell with a 9.324, b 14.05, c $7.956{\AA}$., Z=4. The indexed powder diffraction lines are 9.34(s) (100), 7.09(s) (020), 4.62(m) (200, 121), 4.17(m) (130), 3.547(s) (112), 3.212(vw) (041), 3.101(s) (300), 2.597(w) (013), 2.469(m) (331), 2.214(vw)(420), 2.098(vw) (260), 2.014 (vw) (402), 1.863(w) (500), 1.664(w) (314), 1.554(vw) (600), 1.525(m) (601), 1.405(m) (0.10.0). DTA curve shows the endothermic peaks at $250-370^{\circ}C$ and $955^{\circ}C$. The former is due to the dehydration: and oxidation forming$(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$(cubic, a $9.417{\AA}$), and the latter is interpreted as the formation of a hausmannite-type oxide (tetragonal, a 5.76, c $9.51{\AA}$) from $(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$. Infrared absorption spectral curve shows Mn-O stretching vibrations at $515cm^{-1}$ and $545cm^{-1}$, O-H bending vibration at $1025cm^{-1}$ and O-H stretching vibration at $3225cm^{-1}$. Opaque. Reflectance 13-15%. Bireflectance distinct in air and strong in oil. Reflection pleochroism changes from whitish to light grey. Between crossed nicols, color changes from yellowish brown with bluish tint to grey in air and yellowish brown to grey through bluish brown in oil. No internal reflections. Etching reactions: HCl(conc.) and $H_2SO_4+H_2O_2$-grey tarnish; $SnCl_2$(sat.)-dark color; $HNO_3$(conc.)-grey color; $H_2O_2$-tarnish with effervescence. It is black in color. Luster dull. Cleavage one direction perfect. Streak brownish black to dark brown. H. (Mohs) 2-3, very fragile. Specific gravity 3.59(obs.), 3.57(calc.). It occurs as radiating groups of flakes, flower-like aggregates, colloform bands, dendritic or arborescent masses composed of fine grains in the cementation zone of the supergene manganese oxide deposits of the Janggun mine, Bonghwa-gun, southeastern Korea. Associated minerals are calcite, nsutite, todorokite, and some undetermined manganese dioxide minerals. The name is for the mine, the first locality. The mineral and name were approved before publication by the Commission on New Minerals and Mineral Names, I.M.A.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.