• 대순사상논총
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• 제24_2집
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• pp.231-270
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• 2015

This thesis examined Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory as the representative theory of cultivation in Confucianism, while juxtaposing it to self-cultivation theory in Daesoon thought, concentrating on its similarity and difference. Neo-Confucianism is a scholarship which has wielded a tremendous influence upon East Asia, while functioning as an official scholarship for long period up to Yuan, Ming, and Ching period, after achieving its synthesis by Chu Hsi. After 13th century, Neo-Confucianism has been a representative academic system in Confucianism, and self-cultivation theory was in its center. It suggested various virtues that classical scholars have to equip to fulfill the sainthood and the politics of royal road. The self-cultivation theory of Chu Hsi was developed upon the basis of the theory 'Li-Qi' and the theory of mind. Here, the practice of Geokyung(morally awakened state with a reverent spirit in every moment) and Gyeokmul-tsiji(reaching into the utmost knowledge through investigation of things) formed a nucleus of Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory. While Geokyung was to reveal one's true nature through cultivation of mind, Gyeokmul-tsiji was to demonstrate the complete use of mind's essence and function. Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory attempted to realize the unity of heaven and man, and through cultivating self and governing people, it also tried to achieve its ideal of the society of Great Union(Daedong). Daesoon Thought is originated from Sangjenim who has descended to this world as a human being called Jeungsan. He went on his circuit to rectify the disorder of heaven and earth for 9 years to rectify the Three worlds of heaven, earth and human being which were faced with total annihilation due to its rule of mutual conflict, while creating an earthly paradise. Respecting the will of Sangjenim, Dojunim established the foundation of Do through launching 'Meukeukdo' and setting tenet, creed and object so that the cultivators (Doins) could believe and respect the truth of Sangje's great itineration (Daesoon). Among those, the two components of creed, which are four fundamental principles and the three fundamental attitudes are of great account as precept and cardinal point. Through this means, the cultivators of Daesoonjinrihoe aspire to guard against self-deception through transforming the human spirit, to realize earthly immortality through renewing human beings, and to create an earthly paradise through transforming the world. This thesis attempted to compare and analyze the theory of self-cultivation in Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought in the aspect of ground, method, and object of cultivation. First, as for the ground of cultivation, the doctrines of Chu-tzu and Daesoon thought place the essence of cultivation on 'heaven'. Yet, whereas the former postulates Taekeuk (the Great Ultimate) as a principle as well as the heaven of a natural order, Daesoon thought postulates Sangenim as the heaven of superintendence as well as the heaven of a natural order, signified as its equation of Daesoon with circle, along with the unity of Meukeuk (Endlessness) and Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate). Further, the doctrine of Chu-zhu and Daesoon thought is identical in the point that both thoughts see mind as the subject of cultivation, while trying to restore a pure essence. Nevertheless, whereas Neo-Confucianism intends to give scope to ability of the complete use of mind's essence and function, Daesoon Thought sees mind as the essence which is used by spiritual beings and as an organ that heaven, earth and human being rely upon as the center of the universe. In the aspect of method of cultivation, the doctrine of Chuzhu lays emphasis on the rational factor in that it brightens its 'myung-deoki'(bright inner virtue),' while trying to correspond to the law of heaven on the basis of 'Geokyung' and 'Gyeokmul-tsiji.' On the contrary, Daesoon thought lays much emphasis on faith factor in that it aspires for human perfection based on the restoration of conscience by cultivating Daesoonjinri with sincerity, reverence and faith along with 'quieting the heart-mind', 'quieting the body', 'respecting the God of the Ninth Heaven', and 'observing ritual practice on the basis of the faith in Sangjenim. Yet, both thoughts have similarities in that cultivation of body forms the basis and that they attempt to realize their ideals through cultivation in daily life while taking 'Guarding against self-deception' as the key method of self-cultivation.' However, the principle of Chu-zhu can be said to be a voluntary and autonomous practice based on scripture of the saint as well as self-reflection. On the other hand, Daesoon thought reveals certain difference in that it combines faith factor with one's self-effort by concentrating on cultivation under the presence of Sangjenim as the object of belief and the spirits of heaven and earth. In the aspect of object of cultivation, both thoughts share similarities in that the saint and the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue as an ideal image of men in both thoughts attempt to realize each of their 'myung-deok' in human nature as a heavenly mandate while respecting morality. Further, they also share similarity in the point that the desirable characters in both thoughts want to participate in harmonious creation and nurturance. Yet, the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue is also characterized by its aim for a new heaven and earth where there is no mutual conflict but mutual beneficence, by promoting the moral influence and virtue of Sangjenim over one's own virtue, while practising the mutual beneficence of all life through harmonious union of divine beings and human beings.

• 자원환경지질
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.117-124
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• 1975

경북(慶北) 봉화군(奉化郡) 소재(所在) 장군광산(將軍鑛山)의 표성산화(表成酸化)망간광석중(鑛石中)에서 필자(筆者)에 의(依)하여 발견명명(發見命名)된 신종건물(新種鍵物) 장군석(將軍石)은 국제(國際) 광물학회내연합(鑛物學會內聯合)에 있는 "신종광물(新種鑛物) 및 광물명위원회(鑛物名委員會)"의 공인(公認)을 받았는바 이에 대(對)한 광물학적(鑛物學的)인 연구결과(硏究結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. (1) 장군석(將軍石)은 표성산화(表成酸化)망간 광석중(鑛石中) cementation zone에서 산출(産出)되며, 엔소타이트, 토도로카이트, 방해석(方解石)을 수반(隨伴)한다. 대체로 공동(空洞)에서 수기상(樹技狀) 또는 방사상(放射狀)을 이루는 엽편상(葉片狀) 세립집합체(細粒集合體)(입자(粒子)의 크기 <0.05mm)로 또는 교질상대(膠質狀帶)로 산출(産出)한다. (2) 색(色)은 흑색(黑色)이며 광택(光澤)은 무염(無艶), 조흔(條痕)은 흑갈(黑褐)~암갈(暗褐色)이다. 벽개(劈開)는 한방향(方向)으로 완전(完全)하다. 경도(硬度)(H)=2-3이며 역쇄성(易碎性)이다. 비중(比重)(G)=3.59(실측시(實測植)), 3.58이론치(理論値)이다. (5) 화학분석치(化學分析値)로부터 계산(計算)된 장군석(將軍石)의 화학식(化學式)은 $Mn^{4+}{_{4.85}}(Mn^{2+}{_{0.90}}Fe^{3+}{_{0.30}})_{1.20}O_{8.09}(OH)_{5.91}$이며, 이상식(理想式)은 $Mn^{4+}{_{5-x}}(Mn^{2+},\;Fe^{3+}){_{1+x}}O_8(OH)_6$ ($x{\approx}0.2$)이다. (6) 장군석(將軍石)은 사방정사 속(屬)하며 X선(線) 분말회절분석(粉末廻折分析) 결과(結果), 단위포(單位胞)의 크기는 $a=9.324{\AA}$, $b=14.05{\AA}$, $c=7.956{\AA}$이며, 단위포(單位胞)의 체적(體積)은 $1042.25{\times}10^{-24}cm$이다. 보솔(輔率) a : b : c=0.663 : 1 : 0.566. 단위포함유수(單位胞含有數) (Z)=4. (7) 시차열분석곡선(示差熱分析曲線)은 $250{\sim}370^{\circ}C$와 $955^{\circ}C$에서 흡열(吸熱)피크를 보여준다. 전자(前者)는 장군석(將軍石)이 탈수(脫水) 및 산화(酸化)를 받아 $(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$이 생성(生成)된데 기인(基因)하며 후자(後者)는 hausmannite 형(型)의 구조(構造)를 갖는 $(Mn,\;Fe)_3O_4$의 생성(生成)에 기인(基因)하는 것이다. $(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$는 등보정사이고 $a=9.417{\AA}$이었고 $(Mn,\;Fe)_3O_4$는 정방정사이고 $a=5.76{\AA}$, $c=9.51{\AA}$이었다. (6) 장군석(將軍石)의 적외선흡수분광(赤外線吸收分光)스펙트럼은 $515cm^{-1}$와 $545cm^{-1}$에서 Mn-O stretching 진동(振動)을, $1025cm^{-1}$에서 O-H bending 진동(振動)을 그리고 $3225cm^{-1}$에서 O-H stretching 진동(振動)을 보여준다. (3) 장군석(將軍石)은 불투명광물(不透明鑛物)이며 현미경하(顯微鏡下)에서 반사도(反射度)는 13~15%이고 복반사율(複反射率)은 공기중(空氣中)에서 현저(顯著)하며 침액중(浸液中)에서 강(强)하다. 반사다색성(反射多色性)은 백색(白色)~담회색(淡灰色)이다. 십자(十字)니콜하(下)에서의 편광색(偏光色)은 공기중(空氣中)에서 청색(靑色)을 띈 황갈(黃褐)~회색(灰色)이고 침액중(浸液中)에서는 黃褐(황갈)~청갈(靑褐)~회색(灰色)이다. 내부반사(內部反射)는 없다. (4) 연마면(硏磨面)에 대(對)한 에칭반응(反應)은 HCl(conc.)와 $H_2SO_4+H_2O_2$ 회색(灰色), 퇴색(褪色), SnCl(sat.): 암색(暗色), $HNO_3$ (conc.) : 회색(灰色), $H_2O_2$ : 거품을 내며 퇴색(褪色). (9) 신종광물(新種鑛物) 장군석(將軍石)은 독특(獨特)한 화학조성(化學組成)과 단위포(單位胞)를 가지고 있어서 이의 발견(發見)은 산화(酸化)망간광물(鑛物)의 분류(分類)와 연구(硏究)에 새로운 방향(方向)과 지침(指針)이 되었다.

• 농약과학회지
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• 제15권4호
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• pp.545-572
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• 2011

벼줄무늬잎마름바이러스(Rice stripe virus, RSV)에 대하여 유전자 진단기술인 RT-PCR과 VC/RT-PCR 기술을 개발하였다. ELISA 진단법은 유묘 검정법 보다 평균 40.5%, RT-PCR 진단법은 ELISA 진단법 보다 21%의 진단 효율이 높았다. 2009년 경기도 김포, 평택, 시흥 지역에서 채집한 애멸구의 보독충률을 VC/RT-PCR 진단법과 ELISA 진단법으로 검정한 결과 전체 평균 보독충률은 9.2%로 동일하였다. 벼줄무늬잎마름바이러스가 감염된 벼 포장에서 수집한 13개 분리주의 유전자 유연성은 RNA1과 RNA2는 중국+한국, 중국+한국+일본의 2개의 군으로 구분되었다. 또한 병원성 발현에 관여하는 RNA3는 중국, 중국+한국, 한국+일본의 3개 군으로, RNA4는 중국, 한국, 중국+한국+일본, 한국+일본의 4개의 군으로 구분되었다. 경기도 등 7개 도의 주요 28개의 재배지역에서 채집한 애멸구의 전국 평균 보독충률은 2008년 4.3%, 2009년 6.1%, 2010년 7.2%로 매년 상승하였다. 2008년에는 경기도가 11.3%로 가장 높았으며, 2009년에는 전라남도가 20.1%, 2010년에는 경기도 12.0%, 충청북도 14.2%로 가장 높았다. 보독충률이 가장 높았던 지역은 2008년에는 전북 부안 지역이 22.1%, 2009년에는 전남 완도와 진도가 36%, 2010년에는 충북 보은이 30.0%였다. 월동 애멸구의 전국 평균 밀도는 2008년 13.1 마리, 2009년 13.9 마리, 2010년 5.6 마리였으며, 월동 애멸구의 밀도는 전북 부안 지역이 2008년 39.1 마리, 2009년 60.4 마리로 가장 높았으며, 2010년에는 경기 평택 지역이 14.0 마리로 가장 높았다. 2008년 RSV 발생은 전남 진도, 해남 지역을 중심으로 869 ha가 발생하였으며, 2009년에는 전국적으로 21,541 ha가 발생하였으며, 특히 서해안 지역의 경우 경기도, 인천시, 충남, 전북, 전남의 19개 시군, 39개 읍면, 53개 리에서 3,025 포장을 조사한 결과 55.2%가 부분 고사 이상의 피해가 발생하였다. 2008년부터 3년간 전북 부안, 전남 진도 등에서 월동 애멸구의 시기별 발육을 조사한 결과 5월 20일에서 6월 10일 경에는 월동 후 1세대는 대부분 3령과 4령 이었으며 성충은 6월 하순경에 최성기였다. 2009년 5월 31에서 6월 1일에 태안, 서산, 부안, 신안, 진도 등에서 공중 포충망에 채집한 애멸구는 모두 성충이었으며 밀도는 태안 지역이 963 마리, 서천 919 마리, 신안 819 마리 등으로 매우 많이 포획되었으며, 공중 포충망에 채집된 애멸구는 국내에서 월동한 애멸구 집단이 아니고 중국에서 비래한 애멸구 집단으로 확인되었다. 2010년에는 5월 중순에서 6월 중순까지 공중 포충망에 애멸구 성충이 거의 채집되지 않았다. 2009년 충남 홍성, 전북 부안, 전남 영광 등 서해안 8개 지역의 공중 포충망에서 채집한 애멸구 성충의 RSV 보독충률은 2.1%에서 9.5%로 변이가 컸으며, 보령이 9.5%로 가장 높았으며, 다음으로 충남 홍성 7.9%, 전남 영광 6.5%, 충남 태안 6.4%였다. 애멸구 비래 후 약 10일 후에 공중 포충망 주변의 논에 심겨진벼에 대하여 RSV의 유전자 진단 결과 태안 84.6%, 부안 65.4%, 진도 92.9% 이었으며, 평균 감염률은 81% 이었다. 보리는 RSV의 주요 월동 기주식물로 알려져 있으나 RSV의 감염률은 경기 평택 등 전국에서 530점을 채집하여 유전자 진단 결과 감염률이 0.2%로 매우 낮았다. RSV의 새로운 자연 기주식물로 29종이 확인되었다. 하계 일년생 식물은 조개풀 등 13종, 동계 일년생은 들묵새 등 11종, 다년생으로는 우산잔디 등 5종 이었다. RSV 감염률은 동계 일년생인 들묵새 24.9%, 하계 일년생인 바랭이 44.9%, 물피 95.2%, 가을강아지풀 65.5%이었으며, 다년생인 물억새는 33.3%였다. RSV에 감수성인 동진1호 등 8개 품종과 저항성인 삼광벼 등 17개 품종에 대하여 2009년 부안, 익산, 김제 지역의 자연 포장에서 병징 발현 여부를 조사한 결과 감수성 8개 품종은 모두 감수성이었으며, 진성 저항성 품종 중 온누리 등 12개 품종은 감수성이었으며 삼광벼 등 5개 품종은 포장 저항성이었다. RSV에 저항성인 남평벼 등 4 품종과 감수성인 동진1호 등 3 품종을 대상으로 바이러스를 인공접종한 결과 RSV의 병징 발현률은 감수성 품종의 경우 평균 53.3%이었으며 저항성 품종의 경우 평균 34.0%로 19.3% 낮았다. 감수성인 흑남벼와 저항성인 남평벼를 이용하여 병징 발현률과 바이러스 감염률을 조사한 결과 병징 발현률은 흑남벼 28%, 남평벼 12%로 감수성 품종이 병징 발현률이 2배 이상 높았다. 그러나 체내 바이러스 감염률은 흑남벼 85%, 남평벼 97%로 오히려 저항성 품종에서 12%의 높은 감염률을 보였다. 저항성 품종에서의 저항성 기작은 병징 발현에 대한 저항성이며 바이러스 증식에서는 저항성이 아니었다. RSV에 저항성 품종인 남평벼, 온누리와 감수성 품종인 동진1호, 운광벼를 이용하여 생육시기별로 인공접종하여 수량 감소를 2008년부터 3년간 조사한 결과 감수성 품종에서는 주당 수량을 보면 유묘기 감염시 7.8 g, 분얼기 감염시 8.5 g, 최고 분얼기 감염시 13.8 g으로 무처리에 비하면 수량 감소율이 유묘기 51%, 분얼기 46%, 최고 분얼기 13%로 일찍 감염될수록 수량 감소 영향이 컷다. 저항성 품종에서는 시기별 감염과 수량 감소가 통계적으로 상관이 없었다. 자연 발병된 농가 포장에서 운광 품종을 대상으로 태안과 진도지역에서 조사한 결과 발병경률 23.4% 이상이면 발병경률의 증가에 따라서 상관계수 0.94로 수량 감소율도 동일하게 증가하였다.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.