• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.47 no.2
• /
• pp.49-58
• /
• 2019

There have been studies on the satisfaction, preference, and post occupancy evaluation of urban parks in order to reflect users' preferences and activities, suggesting directions for future park planning and management. Despite using questionnaires that are proven to be affective to get users' opinions directly, there haven been limitations in understanding the latest changes in park use through questionnaires. This study seeks to address the possibility of utilizing the thirdgeneration SNS data, Instagram and Google, to compare behavior patterns and trends in park activities. Instagram keywords and photos representing user's feelings with a specific park name were collected. We also examined reviews, peak time, and popular time zones regarding selected parks through Google. This study tries to analyze users' behaviors, emerging activities, and satisfaction using SNS data. The findings are as follows. People using park near residential areas tend to enjoy programs being operated in indoor facilities and to like to use picnic places. In an adjacent park of commercial areas, eating in the park and extended areas beyond the park boundaries is found to be one of the popular park activities. Programs using open spaces and indoor facilities were active as well. Han River Park as a detached park type offers a popular venue for excercises and scenery appreciation. We also identified companionship characteristics of different park types from texts and photos, and extracted keywords of feelings and reviews about parks posted in $3^{rd}$ generation SNS. SNS data can provide basis to grasp behavioral patterns and satisfaction factors, and changes of park activities in real time. SNS data also can be used to set future directions in park planning and management in accordance with new technologies and policies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.3
• /
• pp.52-77
• /
• 2016

A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.19
• /
• pp.153-192
• /
• 2009

Appearing newly on June 1894, Gaboh regime enforced modern reformation policy. In light of archives' management, it was totally different from before. Government established individual department of record management in every division and proclaimed a legislative bill which was stipulated about record management process. They modified archives' form including peculiar declaration of the name of an era and use together with Korean and Chinese. Also they tried to conserve the original copy of the archives. As King Gojong announced the Great Han Empire(Taehan Cheguk, 大韓帝國) on October 1897, he reinforced Gaboh regimes' weakened royal authority and enforced reformation policy which was designed for himself. First he abolished the administration which restricted royal authority, and established new department called Euijungbu(議政府). To restrain the royal power, he separated the Royal House and government and reinforced Gungnaebu(宮內府). In addition, King Gojong enforced the policy which he can manage directly about troops, policies, and finances. Consequently, He established Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), and made direct belonging of an emperor. Also, department called Naejangwon(內藏院) tried to levy many kinds of taxes directly to build up the financial foundation under the emperor. The record management system of Great Han Empire succeeded to that of Gaboh regimes Times'. First, government and powerful organization directly under the emperor set up the department of record management. Euijungbu (議政府) and governmental department, of course, Gungnaebu(宮內府), Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), Tongshinwon(通信院), Jikyeahmun(地契衙門) which support the right of an emperor established document division and record division individually. To carry out government's service effectively and systematically, it was considered effective to divide record management department. Moreover, despite the difference between the divisions, they were separated into current record division and non current record division. Generally, document department took charge of acceptance, sending and crafting of current document and archives department was eligible for preservation and compilation of major document and eternal conservation document. This seems to consider life cycle of the record and keep the evaluation of record in mind. Finally, perception for the record management has revealed to modern configuration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.16-33
• /
• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.34
• /
• pp.124-136
• /
• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
• /
• v.50 no.4
• /
• pp.478-484
• /
• 2018

A soybean cultivar "Chamol" for double cropping for use as soy-paste and tofu was developed using a pedigree method in 2011 as a cross between "Shinpaldal2" and "Keunol." A promising line, SS99502-2B-89-1-3-4-1-1, was selected and designated as "Milyang210". It was promising and showed good results from regional yield trials (RYTs) for 3 years from 2009 to 2011 and released with the name "Chamol." It has a determinate growth habit, white flowers, gray pubescence, yellow seed coat, yellow hilum, spherical seed shape, and large seeds (27.7 g per 100 seeds). The maturity date of "Chamol" was September 18 (100 day growing period) in RYT and it is suitable for double cropping with winter crops such as onion. "Chamol" was resistant to bacterial pustule and soybean mosaic virus and tolerant to lodging in fields. Furthermore, the average yield of "Chamol" was 2.51 ton/ha in the regional yield trials conducted for 3 years from 2009 to 2011.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.49 no.5
• /
• pp.125-137
• /
• 2021

How can we explain the phenomenon of small, old alleyways in the city becoming rising commercial places attracting people from an aesthetic perspective? This research discusses distinctive aesthetic experiences of urban commercial alleyways, which are located on inner roads and consist of small-scale stores and explore the specific aspects of Sharosu-gil, located in Gwanak-gu, Seoul. The aesthetic experience of urban commercial alleyways is generated by the contrast with the refined urban fabric along main roads in terms of space, the gap between the old and the new, and the antagonism between the known and the less known. The approach to Sharosu-gil consists of the high-rise buildings along the main road built in the 2000s, then encountering low-rise buildings on inside roads built from the late 1970s to the present. Therefore, it is judged that the site has sufficient conditions to generate the aesthetic experience as an urban commercial alleyway. As a result of analyzing the street improvement projects, first, the official announcement of the name 'Sharosu-gil' was interpreted as an escape from the place specificity and garnered the acquisition of the characteristics of an alternative. Secondly, the improvement project for old-established signboards was interpreted as harmony between the new and the old and the loss of temporality. Thirdly, in the pedestrian priority road project, the pavement was interpreted as a reinforcement of the identity as an alleyway and the visualization of the area. Since the reality of urban commercial alleyways depends on the user's visiting, it is necessary to interpret alleyways from the perspective of the senses and aesthetics, not just from social phenomena or capital logic perspective. The study will cast implications for relevant schemes and data-driven research.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.29 no.4
• /
• pp.27-39
• /
• 2011

The study on Musan twelve peaks of Yongho garden in Jinju, Gyeongnam was anticipated to provide data and implication for reproducing similar spaces and modern changes in terms of design factor since it is the prototype of traditional mount for overcoming monotonous geographical features and intriguing changes and interests. The study analyzed and interpreted the symbolism of twelve peaks, principles of space composition and function and effect of visual construction that were pursued by the builder in terms of landscape view, which results are as following. The center of Yongho garden, Yonghoji(龍虎池) is a typical man-made pond for a supportive feng shui feature. It is a supporting equipment to complete the state of feng shui, and the result of strengthening the completion through the connection with the dragon-related name of the place. The shape of Musan twelve peaks looks like an oval form of Geumseongsan(金星山), 2~3.5m in height and 6~12m in diameter. Peaks are estimated as 1.5~3.7m(2.4m in average) in height, $35{\sim}138m^2$($73.4m^2$ in average) in area, and $30.7{\sim}115.0m^3$($62.5m^3$ in average) in volume. Given that Yonghojeong(龍虎亭), Soseon(小船), the site of main building and Yongsanjae(龍山齋) stand in line, Yonghoji was presumed as the state of enlightenment through ascribing the meaning to virtue and secularity. For the intention of realizing Musan twelve peaks, the builder probably had mounted twelve peaks forming the body of dragons with crossing the point corresponding to a head of tiger, and located Musan twelve peaks and Yonghojeong with a representation of dragons holding Cintamani rising into the sky in the center. The middle area near Musan twelve peaks surrounded by peaks like Geumseongsan running north and south shows a multi-structure of multilayer, maintaining the similarity centering on Yonghoji. It is considered the intention of mount planned at the time of Musan twelve peaks construction, caused by similar form harmony. Internalization of progressive realization through concealment and exposure, enframement effect and spatial order like prospect-refuge theory in the mount of Musan twelve peaks is considered the reflection of the intention to increase depth of the view and expectancy through the various degree of exposure and surroundings of each peak and the colorful combination of viewing and shutting. The "closed view" by Musan twelve peaks creates interesting, vivid and attractive recognition of the view, which is more effective in bringing depth of the view and interests in terms of the geographical design, particularly the area around Yonghoji. Moreover, it was identified that the combination of peaks can be formed resulted from the view configuration concerning the location through multilayer effect reveals an island through the other one when viewed from Yonghojeong.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.317-347
• /
• 2008

Huang Gan(1152 - 1220, pen-name Mian-zhai) was a famous scholar of Zhu-zi xue in the Southern Song period. Zhu-zi xue was also called Daoxue(道學), because it was based on the Cheng-Zhu xue(程朱學) and had very severe idea of Daotong(道統). Therefore, Zhu-zi xue emphasized practical movements of spreading Confucianism. The view of the Daotong(道統) developed in two aspects: protection of Confucianism and exclusion of Daoism Buddhism. Zhu Xi completed the idea of Daotong(道統), and his disciples, especially Huang Gan, continued his efforts. Zhu Xi's disciples searched the ultimate teaching of Confucianism through studying Four-books(四書). In due of their effort, Zhu-zi xue played a reading role in those academic fields. Huang Gan look upon himself as the successor to Zhu-zi xue. He expounded and missionized Zhu Xi's philosophical thought. In his later years, he accepted many students and passed the Zhu Xi's thought on to his students. He fostered "Jin-hua school(金華學派)"-He Ji(何基), the representative of this school. There is the relation of thought on the theory of knowledge and learning centering around Daotong between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school(金華學派). Especially, the most schools leading the academic society of Yuan period founded their thought on Huang Gan's. And it explained Huang Gan's historical influence and contributions to the Zhu-zi xue in the Yuan period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.37-74
• /
• 2016

Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.